The Empirical Evidence of Industrial Districts in Great Britain

Author(s):  
Lisa De Propris
1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
N Alderman ◽  
M M Fischer

Despite a growing body of empirical evidence that demonstrates the nature of spatial variations in innovation and the adoption of new technologies, few studies have been conducted in such a way as to enable direct comparisons between different countries, either to establish international differences in innovative performance or to identify differences in regional patterns in different national contexts, particularly between EC and non-EC countries within Europe. In this paper the results of recent surveys of comparable industries in Great Britain and Austria are used to begin to address this issue, with particular attention to some of the inherent difficulties in undertaking such comparisons. By using a mixture of simple cross-tabulations and multivariate logit models, differences between the two countries in the adoption of a number of new process technologies based upon microelectronics in the spheres of manufacturing production, design, and coordination are identified. It is suggested that, not only does Austria lag Great Britain in the introduction of new technology, but that variations between similar types of region are more pronounced and entrenched in Austria at the present time.


Fascism ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis Young

A key player in the campaigns against fascism, the Communist Party of Great Britain (cpgb) has been subject of much attention by historians of anti-fascism. The Party’s approach to anti-fascism, through various campaigns such as the ‘united front from below’ and the Popular Front have been well documented, however its own analysis of fascism has been subjected to much less scrutiny. It has generally been accepted that the cpgb faithfully followed the interpretation of the Communist International. While this is true, this article will argue that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was often adapted to suit the British political climate. By examining the cpgb’s approaches to ‘social fascism’, democracy and the British Union of Fascists (buf), this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was much more fluid. Moreover it will suggest that the Party only adhered to the strictest of Comintern analyses at times of increased attention from Moscow. Finally this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism as an antithesis to all things ‘British’ survived, and indeed was strengthened, by the end of the Second World War. By 1945 its analysis of fascism was much more generic, following an economic and ideological reading as per the Stalinist interpretation, but with a strong focus on patriotism, and the empirical evidence of the destructive and murderous qualities of fascism as shown by the Holocaust.


Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Italo Pardo

AbstractDrawing on historical and contemporary evidence from Great Britain and Italy, this article examines actions that fall under official definitions of corruption and actions that are not illegal but are widely regarded as morally corrupt. As a social anthropologist, I argue that when dealing with the complexity of corruption and abuses of power, we need to identify what aspects of the system encourage or generate illicit practices (illegal and legal) and what aspects could instead generate real change. It is imperative to assess the precise identity of the dividing line between the legitimate and the illegitimate and between the legal and the moral, and to address both the exact relationship of the protagonists in public life to formal law and its production and their perceived legitimacy in the broader society. Empirical evidence suggests that the production of the law must take into account the moralities which inform the definition of legitimacy at the grassroots, for legislation that enjoys such legitimacy is authoritative-therefore effective-legislation, and thus is governance that benefits from and abides by such legislation.


Author(s):  
Jacques Wels ◽  
John Macnicol

This article discusses the notion of a ‘lump of labour fallacy’ used since the end of the nineteenth century and more strongly over the recent period in order to criticise the idea that the number of jobs in an economy is fixed. Examining the recent literature using this notion, the article shows that the lump of labour fallacy is more often used as an assumption rather than examined in-depth. Despite a lack of empirical evidence, it became a key argument in the British debate, used, for instance, to justify an increase in the retirement age. From a critical point of view, the article concludes that an in-depth evaluation of the way the number of jobs varies still needs to be done, looking particularly at the evolution of working time.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Mario Minoja

Firms located in industrial districts are acknowledged to benefit from externalities of geographic colocation, like access to specialized inputs and labour skills, better infrastructure and so on. Nevertheless, there is no clear empirical evidence that their performance is, on average, better than that of ‘isolated’ firms. I argue that a contingent approach is required to better explore the relationship between clustering and performance and suggest that access to external, more codified and ‘scientific’ knowledge, that complement informal and tacit knowledge developed within an industrial district, is of increasing importance as a source of competitiveness both for a district as a whole and for individual district firms. After illustrating main features of ‘public’ and ‘private’ cross-locality networks as possible ways to facilitate access to external knowledge for an industrial district, I propose a theoretical framework that, with the aid of some Italian cases, explores conditions of access, complementary roles and impact of cross-locality networks on performance both of an industrial district as a whole and of individual firms located in it


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