Direct Democracy Or Representative Government? Dispelling The Populist Myth

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Representative Government

Direct democracy, policy diffusion, and medicalized marijuana

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-82
Author(s):  
Cynthia Rugeley ◽  
John Frendreis ◽  
Raymond Tatalovich
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Policy Diffusion ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Conventional Model ◽  
Political Variable ◽  
Horizontal Diffusion ◽  
Citizen Initiatives ◽  
R Process

AbstractVirtually all studies of policy diffusion are based on statutory enactments by state legislatures. But a substantial number of medicalized marijuana laws were initiated through citizen initiatives and ratified by referenda (I&R). This case study suggests that the diffusion of laws adopted by I&R requires two modifications to the conventional model of policy diffusion. First, early policy adoptions must occur through direct democracy so that horizontal diffusion results when those past adoptions by the I&R process lead to future adoptions. Second, the necessity of bypassing institutions of representative government must be operationalized as an interaction between the availability of direct democracy and the precise political variable that blocks legislative enactments.

scholarly journals TWO FACES OF REPUBLICANISM: ROUSSEAU AND KANT

1969 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi CARANTI
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
General Will ◽  
The Real ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Moral Freedom ◽  
Harsh Criticism

The relation between Rousseau's and Kant's political philosophies has attracted the attention of different generations of scholars. This is hardly surprising not only because of the stature of the two philosophers, but also because they offer two similarand perhaps complementary versions of republicanism. Despite the abundance of studies, however, the impression is that the real similarities and the real differences between the two philosophers have not been fully grasped. On points that Rousseau and Kant are traditionally cited for their philosophical distance, this paper argues a much closer proximity. In addition, areas considered overlapping are highlighted as points of genuine disagreement. Three theses of the first kind (apparent dissimilarities) and three theses of the second kind (apparent similarities) are offered as examples. The paper thus naturally falls in two parts and six sections. In the first part, we discuss the following apparent dissimilarities: a) Rousseau's idea that sovereignty cannot be divided Vs Kant's idea that the republican state must be founded on the division of powers, b) Rousseau's dismissal of representative government in favour of direct democracy Vs Kant's harsh criticism of democracy, c) Rousseau's allegedly illiberal idea of "forcing individuals to be free" Vs Kant's liberal commitment to the protection of individuals' pre-political rights. In the second part, we analyze the following apparent similarities: a) Rousseau's and Kant's allegedly identical notions of moral freedom/autonomy, b) their accounts of the reasons why individuals "ought to" leave the state of nature, often considered as nearly indistinguishable, c) the notion of general will seemingly borrowed by Kant from Rousseau without significant modifications. The overall analysis should serve to draw two different, yet complementary faces of republicanism. The composition of the two faces construes a position in political philosophy halfway between standard republicanism and standard liberalism that may have some value on its own terms.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

Discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by a Sweden Democrat in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Power ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Group

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.

PANCASILA DAN IDENTITAS KE-INDONESIA-AN: Sebuah Catatan Krisis

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Muchid Albintani
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Identity Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Future ◽  
Electoral Regime ◽  
National Consensus

The term there is no legislation under development of Pancasila as the basis of the state, but theposition of Pancasila is unshakeable. The anti-Pancasila attitude must also be anti-diversity that can live as a nation and a state [national crises]. Without affirmation or not in the legislation, Pancasila is the ‘foundation and ideology of the state’. Based on the fact that there is irrelevant when the question arises, whether Pancasila is still needed as the basis of state and nation, or is Pancasila still needed as a source of national law that explicitly needs to be affirmed into the1945 Constitution and the sanctions of Pancasila tabulatively? This paper is an assertion of [reinforcement] of the Pencasila as an ideology into the 1945 Constitution or not, highly dependent on the winning electoral regime and the ‘election-winning political party’. Pancasila as ‘the foundation and ideology of the state’ becomes the determinant of ‘as close as the regime of the results of the practice of direct democracy’. Therefore, the affirmation of the essentials in building a lasting and harmonious life of fellow children of the nation in the future. Recognizing the reintroduction of the Indonesia’s identity of essence of Pancasila as the ideology of nation and state is based on ‘national consensus’. This awareness is resilient, so that a country that has been established for more than 73 years does not experience an identity crisis. 

The referendum as an institution in the Black Sea Region: Does it signal the rise or collapse of democracy?

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 161-185
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Podolak
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Moral Issues ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Important State ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Views on the institution of direct democracy have changed during the period of democratic transition. The various advantages and positive effects of direct democracy have been confirmed by the practice of some democratic countries. Its educational and political activation value for society was also noted, without which civil society cannot form. The referendum is especially treated as the purest form of correlation between the views of society and the decisions of its representatives. In a situation where two representative bodies are present – the parliament and the president – a referendum is considered a means of resolving disputes between them in important state affairs. The referendum is nowadays becoming more than just a binding or consultative opinion on a legislative act, especially a constitution. First and foremost, it is important to see the extension of the type and scope of issues that are subject to direct voting. Apart from the traditional, i.e., constitutional changes, polarising issues that raise considerable emotion have become the subject of referenda. Problems of this type include, in particular, moral issues, membership in international organisations, and so-called ‘New Policy’. This article presents the role and importance of the referendum as an institution shaping the democratic systems of the Black Sea Region.

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