scholarly journals Quale etica nasce dalla cultura della paura?

2011 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo V. Bellieni
Keyword(s):  
Pro Life ◽  

In questo articolo l’autore porta argomenti alla tesi che alla base della cultura antagonista al rispetto totale per la vita umana non vi sia innanzi tutto un positivo credo, ma una reazione personale dettata da paura e solitudine, che trova nel credo utilitaristico postmodernista solo una giustificazione e sistematizzazione. Nata come reazione alla paura e alla solitudine, la filosofia relativistica postmoderna genera poi la posizione “pro-choice” come sua applicazione popolare. Paura e solitudine possono tuttavia arrivare a rendere meno limpido anche il campo del sostegno della vita umana, se lo svuotano delle ragioni umane e filosofiche da cui origina. ---------- The foundation of the culture that antagonizes the total respect for human life are not primarily positive beliefs, but fear and loneliness, that in postmodern utilitarism only find shield and systematization. Utilitarism then generates pro-choice culture as a popular application. Nevertheless, fear and loneliness can make less limpid the field of pro-life movement, if undermine its human and moral bases.

Author(s):  
Kam Por YU

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文旨在突出儒家倫理觀與西方立足於個人權利的道德觀在墮胎問題上的重大差別,論證儒家的觀點有助於求取一個比較合理及持平的結論。儒家既肯定生命之價值,不會贊成基於個人一時好惡而選擇墮胎;但在儒家的價值系統中,除了人的生命有價值之外,尚有其他重要的價值。一時的困難並不構成良好的墮胎理由,但人格的尊嚴及對家族的責任則有可能構成好的理由。This essay examines the shortcomings and limitations of the rights-based approach to the problem of abortion, and explores Confucianism as an alternative in providing a theoretical framework for handling that problem. It mainly focuses on the downside of the rights-based approach and the upside of the Confucian approach.I begin by examining the major arguments of the pro-life and pro-choice camps, and argue that they have many things in common. The arguments have similar structures and some common assumptions, and they are both framed predominantly in the language of rights. The arguments lead to extreme positions, either regarding abortion as a wrong comparable to murder or regarding it as a personal matter of the pregnant woman.I argue that both positions have unpalatable implications. According to the pro-life arguments, abortion would be wrong even in cases where the fetus is the result of rape or incest, as the fetus should not have less right to life than otherwise. According to the pro-choice arguments, it would be right for a woman to become pregnant intentionally, in order to generate fetus’ tissues to be sold for use, say, in the treatment of Parkinson’s disease. Such a strong claim on the self-determination of one’s body can justify abortion for almost any reason, such as going for a pre-arranged trip or selecting the sex of the child.The two arguments when put together also have counter-intuitive implications. If we take the arguments of both sides seriously, the ideal solution is to respect the rights of the fetus and the pregnant woman at the same time. If the fetus can be removed from the womb without being killed and supported to grow by artificial means in a hospital after being removed from the womb, then the conflict of rights can be resolved. The fact that this “ideal” solution is far from ideal implies that there is something very wrong with the rights-based approach to abortion.In contrast, the predominant view in Chinese society on abortion is more moderate and sensible – regarding abortion as definitely a bad thing, but not a very big evil. According to the Confucian view, morality is not something absolute like the commandments of God or some objective universal principles discovered by the use of reason, but something constructed by humans (the sages) on the basis of human nature, human needs, and human sentiments. It agrees neither with the religious view in the West which holds the doctrine of the sanctity of life nor with the secular view in the West which holds that life may have positive or negative value depending on contingent facts.There are two basic characteristics of the Confucian outlook. First, human life definitely has positive value, but it does not have absolute value, and there may be other more important value that can override it. Second, morality is a human construct on the basis of human nature, human need, and human sentiment. Hence, a morality that is too demanding or too difficult to practice cannot be a reasonable or acceptable morality.Such an outlook has meaningful implications for the problem of abortion. Abortion is regarded as something to be avoided, but prohibiting, punishing, or censuring abortion is a morally more inferior option than supporting the pregnant woman for opting out of abortion. The Confucian perspective provides a more reasonable framework than the rights-based approach to the problem of abortion. It can strike a better balance (reflective equilibrium) between moral outlook and specific moral judgments (as in the case of abortion). The implied specific judgments are more moderate and reasonable. Using abortion as a test case, the Confucian approach can be considered as a more reasonable and acceptable approach than the rights-based approach.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 605 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1031-1047
Author(s):  
Neil A. O’Brian

What explains the alignment of antiabortion positions within the Republican party? I explore this development among voters, activists, and elites before 1980. By 1970, antiabortion attitudes among ordinary voters correlated with conservative views on a range of noneconomic issues including civil rights, Vietnam, feminism and, by 1972, with Republican presidential vote choice. These attitudes predated the parties taking divergent abortion positions. I argue that because racial conservatives and military hawks entered the Republican coalition before abortion became politically activated, issue overlap among ordinary voters incentivized Republicans to oppose abortion rights once the issue gained salience. Likewise, because proabortion voters generally supported civil rights, once the GOP adopted a Southern strategy, this predisposed pro-choice groups to align with the Democratic party. A core argument is that preexisting public opinion enabled activist leaders to embed the anti (pro) abortion movement in a web of conservative (liberal) causes. A key finding is that the white evangelical laity’s support for conservative abortion policies preceded the political mobilization of evangelical leaders into the pro-life movement. I contend the pro-life movement’s alignment with conservatism and the Republican party was less contingent on elite bargaining, and more rooted in the mass public, than existing scholarship suggests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Grace Cheng-Ying Lin

In Taiwan, abortion was legalized in 1984. This paper examines the voices surrounding abortion expressed by monasteries in Humanistic Buddhism, a prominent Buddhist philosophy practiced in modern Taiwan. Humanistic Buddhism emphasizes that it is a “religion of the people.” However, in addition to the law of karma and causality, the value of all life forms is prioritized based on the ethics of “non-harming (ahimsā).” When some monasteries insist that abortion is killing, resulting in karmic retribution, some express sympathy with a woman’s decision to abort. When some monasteries promote a newly popularized ritual to appease aborted fetuses, some are keenly critical of the exploitation of women and manipulation of scriptures. Through a discursive analysis, this paper demonstrates the wide spectrum of Buddhist narratives in response to reproductive politics embedded in the conflicts between modernity and tradition, as well as locality and globality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-34
Author(s):  
Weini Wang

This thesis probes into the issue on pro-life and pro-choice contentions in Joyce Carol Oates’s: A Book of American Martyrs. Karl Marx explains how capitalists maneuver the deferred redemption intrinsic of religion per se to exploit and oppress workers and re-enforce capitalism proper. In the novel, the transformation of Luther and Gus provides a convincible account for Luther’s frenzy and Gus’s irreligion. This thesis discusses argues that the workers are unconsciously subjected to the governance of the dominant group via the conceptualization of religious ideology and religious culture industry. It should be condemned to impose one’s belief on the others, or even to commit murder ruthlessly in the name of God.


1998 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. READ
Keyword(s):  
Pro Life ◽  

Author(s):  
Kimberly Kelly Jonelle Husain
Keyword(s):  
Pro Life ◽  

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