Notes on Anthocoris melanocerus Reuter (Hemiptera: Anthocoridae) as a Predator of the Pear Psylla in British Columbia

1961 ◽  
Vol 93 (8) ◽  
pp. 660-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold F. Madsen

The role of natural enemies in the control of the pear psylla, Psylla pyricola Foerst., has been of minor importance in the published history of this pest in North America. Jensen (1957) listed six species of parasites that attack the pear psylla nymph, but only one, Psylledontus insidiosus Cwfd. (Hymenoptera: Encyrtidae), is recorded from North America. Slingerland (1896) stated that the predators Chrysopa oculata Say (Neuroptera: Chrysopidae) and Adalia bipunctata (L.) (Coleoptera: Coccinellidae) were observed in the field feeding on psyllid eggs, nymphs and adults. Georgalla (1957) reported that Anthocoris nemorum L. (Hemiptera: Anthocoridae) fed upon pear psylla eggs and nymphs, but made no reference to effect upon psyllid populations.

1955 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. C. Coppel ◽  
K. Leius

The larch sawfly, Pristiphora erichronii (Htg.), is currently considered a major forest insect pest in Canada. At the present time within Canada, the sawfly reacts to parasitism by Mesoleius tenthredinis Morley in two ways. In Manitoba and Saslratchewan the sawfly encapsulates approximately 100 per cent of the parasite eggs deposited, whereas in British Columbia encapsulation rarely exceeds four per cent (Muldrew, 1953). The reasons for the difference in degree of encapsulation are apparently unknown; however, since the origin of the sawfly itself is obscure, the possibility exists that a native species, an introduced species, Or a combination of both may he present, or that geographical or ecological units may have arisen. Studies now under way by officers of the Forest Biology and Entomology divisions are attacking the problem of identity and origin following the pattern established for the European spruce sawfly, Diprion hercyniae (Htg.). In this instance, as with the larch sawfly, parasites were introduced on the assumption that the pest had been introduced from Europe. Critical investigations by Reeks (1941) and Balch, Reeks, and Smith (1941), involving morphological, cytological, and other biological characters, showed that the species occurring in North America was one of two species common in Europe, and previously referred to there as Gilpinia polytoma (Htg.). Balch et al. (1941) showed that D. hercyniae had been introduced into North America.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Martin Sander ◽  
Hugo Bucher

The small ichthyosaurMixosaurusis the most widely distributed ichthyosaur. It is known from Lower Triassic rocks of British Columbia, Canada (Callaway and Brinkman, 1989), and Middle Triassic rocks of northwestern North America (Alaska, British Columbia), China, Timor, the western Tethys (Switzerland, Italy, Turkey), the Germanic Triassic, and the high Arctic (Spitsbergen, Exmouth Island) (Mazin, 1986; Callaway and Brinkman, 1989; Callaway and Massare, 1989). The presence ofMixosaurusin one of the richest ichthyosaur provinces, the Middle Triassic of Nevada (Merriam, 1908), has been difficult to establish. The history of this problem is very colorful and is the topic of this note together with the description of a new specimen from the Nevada Middle Triassic.


1971 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 1081-1093 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. R. Harington

A mountain goat cranial fragment from gravels beneath two thick glacial tills near Quesnel Forks, British Columbia is referred to Oreamnos sp. It is considered to be of last (Sangamon) interglacial age, or older. Oreamnos seems to have entered North America from Eurasia across the Bering Isthmus during a Pleistocene glaciation prior to the last (Wisconsin) glaciation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Roy Weintraub

It is not news that the history of economics is disesteemed by most economists. There have been almost annual discussions at professional meetings about the institutional role of the history of economics. Indeed, a conference in 2001 documented the precarious state of the field in North America, and its even more perilous position in the United Kingdom and the Antipodes (Weintraub 2002b). With the exception of Duke University there are no longer any regularly scheduled graduate courses, let alone programs, in the history of economics at any “top” university in North America (Gayer 2002).


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ged Martin

Selecting a name for the gold rush colony of British Columbia, although apparently trivial, embarrassed the government, threatened to become the focus for a groundswell of opposition to the whole idea of establishing a new colony, and offers a curious sidelight on the role of the Crown.On 24 June 1858 Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, the Colonial Secretary in Lord Derby's second ministry, wrote to the Queen to inform her that “in consequence of the recent discovery of Gold in the Neighbourhood of Fraser's River, on the Western Coast of British North America, rendering expedient the immediate establishment of Civil Government,” the government had decided “to erect at once a New Colony there.” Parliament had to authorize this, “& it is desirable that the name of the new Colony shall be inserted in the Bill.” Since the measure was to be introduced within a week, the procedure was slapdash. In asking the Queen to select a name, Lytton informed her that explorers had used the name “New Caledonia,” but did point out that the name had been used elsewhere, most notably for “the chief island of the New Hebrides Group in the South Seas where the French have lately signified their intention to form an establishment.” He added that the names New Cornwall and New Hanover had also been applied to parts of the coast by some mapmakers. While the monarch retained a significant role in mid-nineteenth century government, this hardly extended to, acting as a cartographical research institute for the Colonial Office. On 27 June the Queen informed her minister that she had settled on New Caledonia as the most generally accepted name.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Joanna Rankin

In Reading Victorian Deafness: Signs and Sounds in Victorian Literature and Culture, Jennifer Esmail explores the cultural role of deafness in Victorian England and North America. Looking to cultural products as a reflection of wider societal beliefs, Esmail provides an in-depth history of the contrasting proponents of signed languages and oralism during this historical period.


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