The Biological Control of Prickly Pears in South Africa. By F. W. Pettey. Union of South Africa, Department of Agriculture, Sci. Bull. 271. (Entomology Series No. 22). 163 pp., 31 figs., 3 col. pls., 1 map, 33 refs. Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1948. (Price 1/-).

1950 ◽  
Vol 82 (8) ◽  
pp. 179-180
Author(s):  
G. C. Ullyett
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Biological Control ◽  
Department Of Agriculture ◽  
Government Printer ◽  
The Government ◽  
Prickly Pears

Alien Invasive Aquatic Plant Species in Botswana: Historical Perspective and Management

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. N. Kurugundla ◽  
B. Mathangwane ◽  
S. Sakuringwa ◽  
G. Katorah
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Biological Control ◽  
Plant Species ◽  
Water Hyacinth ◽  
Water Bodies ◽  
Pistia Stratiotes ◽  
Okavango Delta ◽  
Aquatic Weeds ◽  
Water Lettuce ◽  
The Government

Aquatic ecosystems in Botswana have been under threat by the aquatic alien invasive plant species viz., salvinia Salvinia molesta Mitchell, water lettuce Pistia stratiotes L., and water hyacinth Eichhornia crassipes (Mart.) Solms-Laub. While salvinia has been termed the major threat to the Botswana wetlands, water lettuce and water hyacinth are considered to be of minor importance. This review presents the species biology, distribution, historical spread, negative impacts, control achieved right from their discovery in the country by referring to their control and management in the world. Having infested the Kwando-Linyanti-Chobe Rivers in the 1970s, salvinia was initially tried by the use of herbicides, paraquat and glyphosate, between 1972 and 1976. With the discovery of the host specific biological control weevil Cyrtobagous salviniae Calder and Sands in 1981, the weevil was introduced by Namibians on Kwando and Chobe Rivers in 1983 and by Botswana in 1986 in the Okavango Delta. While the control was slowly establishing in Kwando-Linyanti-Chobe Rivers, it became apparent that lakes and perennial swamps within and outside Moremi Game Reserve of the Okavango Delta were infested with salvinia from 1992 onwards. With continuous and sustained liberation of the weevil in the Kwando-Linyanti-Chobe Rivers and in the Okavango Delta between 1999 and 2000, salvinia control was achieved by 2003, and since then the weevil constantly keeps the weed at low levels. The success is mainly due to sustainable monitoring through the application of physical and biological control methods. However, salvinia is still threatening the Okavango Delta due to factors such as tourism activities, boat navigation fishing and transporttion by wild animals. The first occurrence of water lettuce was recorded on Kwando and Chobe Rivers in 1986. Its biocontrol weevil Neohydronomous affinis Hustache was released in the year 1987. The weevil became extinct in Selinda Canal and Zibadianja Lake on Kwando River due to dry and wet events for over 10 years and the weed had been under control biologically on Chobe River. Having surface covered the Selinda and a part of the Zibadianja in high flood and rainfall in 1999/2000 season, research was undertaken to contain water lettuce, which led to its eradication by 2005. Regular physical removal of the water lettuce prior to fruit maturity is an effective method of control or eradicating the weed in seasonal water bodies. The Limpopo Basin (shared by Botswana, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Mozambique) has become vulnerable to water hyacinth infestation. Water hyacinth infested the trans-boundary Limpopo River in 2010 sourced from Hartbeesport Dam on Crocodile River in South Africa. Botswana and South Africa have been consulting each other to implement integrated control of the weed jointly in the Limpopo River. Water hyacinth could be a continuous threat to the dams and the rivers in the Limpopo basin if its control is not taken seriously. These three species are found growing in Botswana in a range of pH between 4.5 and 10.3 and in the range of conductivities between 20 and 580 µS cm-1. Range of soluble nitrates, phosphates and potassium in the habitats of salvinia infestations were 0.02 to 1.5, 0.01 to 1.78 and 0.3 to 6.92 mg L-1 respectively. Water lettuce infestation in the seasonal Selinda Canal had a maximum of 4.7 mg L-1 nitrates, 2.8 mg L-1 phosphates and 7.9 mg L-1 potassium. Nevertheless, these three nutrients were in the range of 0.41 to 9.56 mg L-1, 0.2 to 2.9 mg L-1, and 7.7 to 11.53 mg L-1 respectively in the Limpopo River where water hyacinth infestations were observed. These nutrients were considerably high during decomposition phase of biological control of weeds. The Government of Botswana “regulates the movement and importation of boats and aquatic apparatus, to prevent the importation and spread of aquatic weeds both within and from the neighboring countries” by “Aquatic Weed (Control) Act” implemented in 1986. These measures, combined with communities, conservation groups, NGOs and public awareness campaigns, have highlighted the gravity of aquatic weeds spreading into wetlands, dams and other water bodies. In conclusion, the Government of Botswana is committed and supportive through the Department of Water Affairs in protecting the wetlands of the country efficiently and prudently.

Traps for Tsetse-flies of the “ Crinoline ” and “ Ventilator ” Forms

1933 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. W. Chorley ◽  
C. F. M. Swynnerton
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Expert Knowledge ◽  
Tsetse Fly ◽  
Tsetse Flies ◽  
Department Of Agriculture ◽  
Considerable Difficulty ◽  
Excellent Service ◽  
The Government ◽  
Experimental Use ◽  
Glossina Palpalis

Prefatory Note.Having had the privilege of seeing something of Mr. Chorley's very fine work against Glossina palpalis, and having had four of his traps (of the types shown in Pl. xi, figs. 1, 2, 5) in experimental use myself, I would like to state that he has, in my opinion, done particularly excellent service in evolving several good types of trap for this tsetse-fly. They have not been properly tested yet against other species of tsetse. The choice of exactly suitable sites for the traps, as with all tsetse-traps, is a matter of considerable difficulty and demands expert knowledge, but if skilfully sited, the traps catch well. They represent the acme of cheapness. The mere tacking of a skirt on a Conical Hoop Trap (1912), a Hughen's trap (1919) or a Barrel Trap (Burnett 1918) makes a “ Chorley ” Trap for tsetse-fly. A mere sack or trouserleg kept open by a hoop and with a non-return cage on the top suffices ; and the trap collapses, like a lady's dress, into no space at all. It is simply, in some of its forms (as in Pl. xi, figs. 1, 2, 5), a very slight adaptation to tsetse of Richmond's Crinoline Trap for mosquitos, published in 1927 in the Government of India's Health Bulletin, No. 11 ; in its “ ventilator ” forms (e.g., fig. 3), it is an adaptation of the Wahl & du Plessis trap for blow-flies, published in 1923 in the Journal of the Department of Agriculture of South Africa—though even here the form most used has been cylindrical.

scholarly journals Effect of COVID-19 on the Marketing of Eggs: Case of Egg Layer Projects during the Pandemic in the Vhembe District of Limpopo Province, South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
T. J. Nesengani
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Limpopo Province ◽  
Local Market ◽  
Vegetable Production ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Department Of Agriculture ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
College Of Agriculture ◽  
The Government ◽  
Vhembe District

ABSTRACT The government of South Africa assisted beneficiaries with the establishment of projects to help alleviate poverty and create jobs in the country. Several projects were established amongst them: broiler production, vegetable production, and egg layer production. The focus of this study is on egg layer production. The objective of this study is to investigate the effect of COVID-19 on the marketing of eggs in the Vhembe district of Limpopo province, South Africa. In this study, the research design, which involved investigating the effect of COVID-19 on the marketing of eggs during the pandemic in the Vhembe district, using qualitative and explorative research was employed. The study employed focus group discussions where 7 members of the project from a total of 3 projects were interviewed. Egg layer projects have experienced a market loss of eggs during the past three months, structured interviews were also carried out with 1 extension officer in the college of agriculture who is responsible for conducting training and monitoring of such projects. The coded data were then analyzed using Statistical Packages for Social Sciences (SPSS version 22). The egg layer projects were facing the low market return of egg sales because of competition with commercial farmers who bring the stock to the local market. In conclusion, it is presumed that the results of this study would lead to informed decisions by the department of agriculture in terms of arranging markets and making sure that the commercial farmers do not compete with the projects in terms of prices of eggs.

A Call for Public Participation in the Treaty-making Process in South Africa: What can South Africa Learn from the Kingdom of Thailand?

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Retselisitsoe Phooko
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Legal Implications ◽  
Future Situation ◽  
Rules Of Procedure ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personal Jurisdiction

On 2 August 2002 South Africa signed the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Tribunal and the Rules of Procedure Thereof, thus effectively recognising and accepting the jurisdiction of the SADC Tribunal. Among the cases received by the SADC Tribunal was a complaint involving allegations of human rights violations by the government of Zimbabwe. It ruled that the government of Zimbabwe had violated human rights. Consequently, Zimbabwe mounted a politico-legal challenge against the existence of the Tribunal. This resulted in the review of the role and functions of the Tribunal in 2011 which resulted in the Tribunal being barred from receiving new cases or proceeding with the cases that were already before it. Furthermore, on 18 August 2014, the SADC Summit adopted and signed the 2014 Protocol on the Tribunal in the SADC which disturbingly limits personal jurisdiction by denying individual access to the envisaged Tribunal, thus reducing it to an inter-state judicial forum. This article critically looks at the decision of 18 August 2014, specifically the legal implications of the Republic of South Africa’s signing of the 2014 Protocol outside the permissible procedure contained in article 37 of the SADC Protocol on the Tribunal. It proposes that South Africa should correct this democratic deficit by introducing public participation in treaty-making processes in order to prevent a future situation where the executive unilaterally withdraws from an international treaty that is meant to protect human rights at a regional level. To achieve this, this article makes a comparative study between South Africa and the Kingdom of Thailand to learn of any best practices from the latter.

Is Xenophobic Violence and Criminality Systemic in Post-Apartheid South Africa? A Critical Analysis of Growing Denialism to 2015 Incidents

Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Hate Crime ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Foreign Nationals ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
South Africans ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
The Government

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.

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