The Gaza Strip as Panopticon and Panspectron

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dahan
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Israeli Society ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Population ◽  
Palestinian Territory ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This paper explores the different yet complementary aspects of the panopticon and the panspectron using the case study of the Israeli controlled Palestinian territory, the Gaza Strip. Beginning with a brief theoretical discussion of the concept of panopticon and panspectron expanding on the existing literature, the paper moves on to discuss the implementation of panoptical and panspectral technologies and practices in the Gaza Strip and situates these within a larger framework of control of the Palestinian population under Israeli occupation, and discusses seepage of these surveillance technologies into Israeli society proper and beyond into the international arena.

scholarly journals Structural birth defects in the Gaza Strip, occupied Palestinian territory: a cohort study

The Lancet ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 380 ◽  
pp. S30-S31 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Naim ◽  
H Al Dalies ◽  
M El Balawi ◽  
E Salem ◽  
K Al Meziny ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cohort Study ◽  
Birth Defects ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Occupied Palestinian Territory ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Territory

The Principals’ Role in Creating Safe Schools in War Zones: Gaza Strip as a Case Study

2021 ◽  
pp. 002205742110319
Author(s):  
Asmaa Abusamra ◽  
Suyanto ◽  
Sutrisna Wibawa
Keyword(s):  
School Safety ◽  
School Principals ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Safe Schools ◽  
Mixed Method Research ◽  
Safe School ◽  
War Zone ◽  
The Gaza Strip

This study aims to identify the extent of the Palestinian principals’ role in creating safe schools in the Gaza Strip as a war zone. A mixed-method research design was employed. The study indicates the school principals’ awareness in creating school safety. The study also concludes that there are no statistically significant differences between the average estimates of the principals’ role in creating a safe school in the Gaza Strip from their point of view according to the variables of gender and the educational provinces; however, there are statistically significant differences according to the variable of years of experience.

scholarly journals Anaemia among pregnant Palestinian women in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 2416-2420 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Khader ◽  
H Madi ◽  
F Riccardo ◽  
G Sabatinelli
Keyword(s):  
Pregnant Women ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Prevalence Rates ◽  
The West ◽  
Palestinian Women ◽  
Occupied Palestinian Territory ◽  
Health Centres ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Territory

AbstractObjectiveTo assess anaemia prevalence and correlated social and biological determinants among pregnant women in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt).DesignA cross-sectional survey conducted among pregnant women attending/accessing UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) health centres in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank in September and October 2006.SettingFifty-five UNRWA health centres in the oPt (eighteen in the Gaza Strip and thirty-seven in the West Bank).SubjectsA random sample of 1740 pregnant women.ResultsOverall anaemia prevalence was 38·6 % (95 % CI 36·3, 40·9 %). A substantial difference in anaemia prevalence was observed between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank (44·9 % v. 31·1 %, respectively), as well as a significant increase in anaemia prevalence in the Gaza Strip compared with an Agency-wide survey conducted in 2004 (44·9 % v. 35·7 %, respectively). Anaemia prevalence was found to increase with age, parity and trimester of gestation.ConclusionsAnaemia still appears to be a public health problem among pregnant women in spite of UNRWA interventions. The West Bank shows prevalence rates similar to those observed in neighbouring countries, while the Gaza Strip has higher rates. Prevalence rates of anaemia among pregnant Palestinian women are more than two times higher than those observed in Europe.

scholarly journals Conflict and cooperation in the age of COVID-19: the Israeli–Palestinian case

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lior Lehrs
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Conflict And Cooperation ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Disaster Event ◽  
The Impact

Abstract How do disasters influence conflict and diplomacy in conflict areas? The scholarship shows that while they can provide opportunities for cooperation and ‘disaster diplomacy’ between parties to a conflict, they can also intensify tension and hostility. This article uses the Israeli–Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study, exploring the impact of the crisis on relations between the rival parties and examining the conditions under which an ongoing pandemic might lead to either conflict or cooperation in a conflict area. The research is based on within-case analysis, comparing three conflict arenas: Israel–Palestinian Authority relations in the West Bank; relations between Israel and the Palestinian community in East Jerusalem; and Israel–Hamas government relations in the Gaza strip. The article outlines the possibilities and limitations of ‘disaster diplomacy’ in intractable conflicts and contributes to the literature by identifying how different contexts, relations and actors in each conflict arena affect the development of patterns of conflict and cooperation with regard to the pandemic. The study analyses the factors that shape how the pandemic affects the conflict, and the COVID-19-related diplomacy, in each sub-case, with attention to three main variables: the structure of the conflict arena, domestic politics and the developments in the pandemic. The analysis addresses the unique conditions of an ongoing global pandemic, as opposed to an isolated disaster event, and traces the changing impact of the pandemic on the conflict and on disaster-related cooperation at various stages.

Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Post-Occupation Duties

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 528-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Rubin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip has created a situation in which this territory is dependent on the supply of various necessities by Israel, in particular the supply of electricity, In 2008 Israel decided to withhold 5% of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip, prompting several Gaza residents as well as human rights organizations to petition the Supreme Court of Israel against this decision. In Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed v. The Prime Minister the Court assumed that the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip had ended with the disengagement and treated this issue on the basis of general humanitarian law. The basic questions of whether the occupation had ended, and whether certain duties remained with Israel, even assuming that Gaza is no longer occupied, have not been explored. This Article addresses these two questions.It is the conclusion of this Article that regardless of the terms imposed by Israel after disengagement and other reservations that have been raised in this regard, occupation ended following the complete withdrawal of any Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip. Israel's disengagement raised difficulties that are not only unique to the Gaza Strip; these difficulties emerge in most cases when occupation is replaced by a process of self-determination rather than the return of the former sovereign. The contention presented herein is that Israel continues to have certain post-occupation duties even after the occupation of Gaza. These duties correspond to the occupant's duties to care for order and civil life in the territory during the occupation. These obligations will end once the new regime in the area is able to perform the duties that fell upon the shoulders of the occupant during the occupation, or until the non-performance of the new regime is attributable to its own failures and not to the ending of the occupation. In light of these contentions, Israel is still under certain obligations regarding the Gaza Strip, among them the regular supply of electricity to that area.

Using Law as an Instrument of Domination and Violating the Right of Assembly: The Story behind the Palestinian NGOs’ Quest for Independence

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Mahmoud M. Dodeen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Public Concern ◽  
The West ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
Palestinian Territory ◽  
Right Of Assembly

Abstract This article explores the position of the successive executive powers that have ruled over the occupied Palestinian territory toward the right of association, analyzing the regulations and practical measures they introduced. The governance of these authorities was undemocratic, resulting in abuses of legislative power with a view to constraining the right to assembly and to dominating ngo s, starting with incorporation and ending with dissolution. Despite an ongoing struggle for operational independence, ngo s have been under the control of the Palestinian ruling political parties in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since 2007. Throughout this period, elected formal oversight bodies have been lacking. While Fatah monopolizes government of the West Bank, Hamas takes exclusive possession of the administration of the Gaza Strip; each party has fought against the ngo s aligned with its rival. The ruling regimes have also exploited shortfalls and gaps in some regulations in order to undermine and weaken the role of ngo s in issues of public concern.

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