scholarly journals Factors Constraining Subject Expression in European Portuguese Spoken in Hamburg. A Bi-Generational Corpus Investigation

Discours ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Flores ◽  
Esther Rinke
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 173-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayara Nicolau De Paula

Com base na Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros (CHOMSKY, 1995), apresento uma análise diacrônica das interrogativas-Q do Português Europeu (PE) seguida de uma comparação com as mesmas estruturas no Português Brasileiro (PB). Paralelamente, faço uma breve análise dos padrões de interrogativas-Q em entrevistas sociolinguísticas gravadas em dois momentos (anos 1970/80 e 2010). A hipótese inicial, a partir de descrições recentes de base teórica, era a de que a ordem QVS no PE seria a mais frequente, enquanto a ordem QSV estaria sempre condicionada à presença da clivagem. Sujeitos de 1ª. e 2ª. pessoas bem como os anafóricos seriam preferencialmente nulos no PE, um sistema descrito como de sujeito nulo consistente. Nesse aspecto, o PE teria um comportamento diferente do PB, que perdeu a ordem QVS, hoje atestada apenas em estruturas com verbos inacusativos, desde que o sujeito seja um DP lexical, uma mudança paralela à remarcação do valor do Parâmetro do Sujeito Nulo no PB. A amostra analisada para o estudo diacrônico é constituída de peças portuguesas escritas ao longo dos séculos 19 e 20, comparável à amostra brasileira que nos serve de ponto comparação. No caso das entrevistas sociolinguísticas, foram utilizadas as amostras NURC e Concordância para o PB, e Cordial-Sin e Concordância para o PE. A metodologia para o tratamento dos dados segue o modelo variacionista (TAGLIAMONTE, 2006; GUY E ZILLES, 2007). Os resultados mostram que o PE prefere o padrão QV, com sujeitos nulos; quanto aos sujeitos expressos, a ordem QVS é o padrão preferido; observamos, no entanto, uma curva descendente no último quartel do século 20, sugerindo o início de uma competição com QSV, desencadeada pela entrada da clivagem, a partir da segunda metade do século 19. Uma vez introduzida no sistema, a clivagem se expande para os três padrões de interrogativas-Q, o que é confrmado pelos dados da fala contemporânea.


Author(s):  
Norma Schifano

Chapter 3 extends the investigation of verb placement to other Romance varieties, in order to expand the macro- and micro-typologies identified in Chapter 2. It starts with a description of the placement of the present indicative verb across a selection of varieties of French, Romanian, Spanish, Catalan, European Portuguese, and Brazilian Portuguese. Following the methodology of Chapter 2, the remainder of the discussion is devoted to the description of cases of microvariation attested across the varieties above, which emerge once a selection of structural and interpretative distinctions are considered, such as lexical and auxiliary verbs, ‘have’ and ‘be’ auxiliaries, finite and non-finite verbs (cf. participle and infinitive), as well as a selection of modally, temporally, and aspectually marked forms (e.g. subjunctive, conditional, past, future, imperfect).


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Catherine E. Travis ◽  
Rena Torres Cacoullos

Are semantic classes of verbs genuine or do they merely mask idiosyncrasies of frequent verbs? Here, we examine the interplay between semantic classes and frequent verb-form combinations, providing new evidence from variation patterns in spontaneous speech that linguistic categories are centered on high frequency members to which other members are similar. We offer an account of the well-known favoring effect of cognition verbs on Spanish subject pronoun expression by considering the role of high-frequency verbs (e.g., creer ‘think’ and saber ‘know’) and particular expressions ((yo) creo ‘I think’, (yo) no sé ‘I don’t know’). Analysis of variation in nearly 3000 tokens of unexpressed and pronominal subjects in conversational data replicates well-established predictors, but highlights that the cognition verb effect is really one of 1sg cognition verbs. In addition, particular expressions stand out for their high frequency relative to their component parts (for (yo) creo, proportion of lexical type, and proportion of pronoun). Further analysis of 1sg verbs with frequent expressions as fixed effects reveals shared patterns with other cognition verbs, including an association with non-coreferential contexts. Thus, classes can be identified by variation constraints and contextual distributions that are shared among class members and are measurably different from those of the more general variable structure. Cognition verbs in variable Spanish subject expression form a class anchored in lexically particular constructions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 925-952 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Martins ◽  
Inês Carbone ◽  
Alda Pinto ◽  
Augusto Silva ◽  
António Teixeira

PLoS ONE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. e0209852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rute Canejo-Teixeira ◽  
Pedro Armelim Almiro ◽  
James A. Serpell ◽  
Luís V. Baptista ◽  
Maria M. R. E. Niza

Target ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Assis Rosa

Abstract Focussing on the pragmatic dimension of literary dialogue in narrative fiction, this paper analyses: (a) the negotiation of power carried out by characters and the way it is relayed in the text as signalled by forms of address; and (b) the negotiation performed by the translator in order to reproduce a power relation when dealing with the cultural and social environments of the source- and the target-language texts. By analysing one hundred years of Robinson Crusoe translated into European Portuguese (189– to 1992) the paper will attempt to reveal a possible historical development of translational norms and the way in which the historical, cultural and social environments may have influenced them.


Author(s):  
Luciana Albuquerque ◽  
Catarina Oliveira ◽  
António Teixeira ◽  
Pedro Sa-Couto ◽  
Daniela Figueiredo

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Augusto Soares da Silva ◽  
Susana Afonso ◽  
Dafne Palú ◽  
Karlien Franco

Abstract Se constructions designate a set of polysemous constructions along a transitivity continuum marked by the clitic se that perform various functions: reflexive/reciprocal, middle, anticausative, passive, and impersonal. A counterpart of these constructions without the clitic – the null se construction – is also attested. Based on an extensive usage-feature and profile-based analysis, and using multivariate statistical methods, we analyze, considering Cognitive Grammar, the conceptual, structural, and lectal factors that determine the choice between overt and null se constructions. The results of the study show that the null constructions are far more frequent in Brazilian (BP) than in European Portuguese (EP). In BP, the focus on the moment of change is a crucial factor for the overt/null variation in reflexive/reciprocal, middle, anticausative, and impersonal constructions. If the moment of the change of state is profiled, the overt se construction is usually produced. If the moment of change is not profiled, the null se construction is preferred. External factors also play a role in the variation. Register is an important predictor for the observed variation of the anticausative construction, and the only predictor for the overt/null variation in the case of the passive construction. In EP, the null se variant is mainly limited to anticausative constructions. In all cases of null constructions, there is a shift to an absolute construal, which has an impact on the way that the transitivity continuum is conceptualized.


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