scholarly journals Le Sinn Feín ou la reconnaissance sociale et économique

2008 ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Dominique Sève
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Mathew Whiting

When Sinn Féin and the IRA emerged in Northern Ireland in 1969 they used a combination of revolutionary politics and violence to an effort to overthrow British rule. Today, the IRA is in a state of ‘retirement’, violence is a tactic of the past, and Sinn Féin is a co-ruler of Northern Ireland and an ever growing political player in the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement into a peaceful political one in recent times. So what exactly changed within Irish republicanism, what remains the same, and, crucially, what caused these changes? Where existing studies explain the decision to end violence as the product of stalemate or strategic interplay with the British state, this book draws on a wealth of archival material and interviews to argue that moderation was a long-term process of increasing inclusion and contact with political institutions, which gradually extracted moderate concessions from republicanism. Crucially, these concessions did not necessitate republicans forsaking their long-term ethno-national goals. The book also considers the wider implications of Irish republicanism for other cases of separatist conflict, and has significance for the future study of state responses to violent separatism and of comparative peace processes.


Comhar ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (7) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Proinsias Ó Fearghail
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Jonathan Evershed ◽  
Mary C Murphy

In this article we critically examine how Sinn Féin responded to Brexit, why, and with what consequences. By destabilising the UK’s territorial constitution and intensifying debate about Ireland’s constitutional future, Brexit has represented a moment of unprecedented opportunity for Irish republicanism. However, this has been offset by the very real political and economic risks it has posed for the island of Ireland. We argue that Sinn Féin’s pursuit of ‘Special Status’ for Northern Ireland represented an attempt to mitigate Brexit’s risks, rather than to leverage its opportunities. This approach came with political costs for the party, whose recent electoral surge has arguably been in spite of rather than because of it. We demonstrate how Brexit has served to reshape Sinn Féin’s politics, and how it has functioned to further moderate its ‘Eurocriticism’.


Significance This framework laid out two pillars of reform. Pillar One would see large companies liable for tax in the end-market jurisdiction where their goods or services are used or consumed. Pillar Two would set a minimum tax rate of 15%. Impacts Ireland will probably support the reforms by October, and in return it may get some concessions over implementation or sectoral coverage. Reduced corporate tax revenue may result in tighter fiscal spending, which would play into the hands of the opposition Sinn Fein. The corporate tax proposals come at a particularly bad time for the Irish economy, which is already facing the consequences of Brexit.


2000 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 473-482
Author(s):  
Rita Lago
Keyword(s):  

Durante a maior parte do século XX, o processo político e de debate público tem sido fortemente influenciado pelos média...


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Mathew Staunton

This article explores the efforts of the Sinn Féin activists in Arthur Griffith’s circle to define Irish citizenship as an active, nation-building duty rather than the relatively passive electoral and financial support demanded by the Irish Parliamentary Party in the period 1909-11. As the success of the IPP's Westminster strategy became increasingly harder to ignore, illustrator and designer Austin Molloy counter-attacked for Sinn Féin with dramatic visual representations of John Redmond as a naïve and bumbling shyster maintaining power and generating operational funds by making outlandish promises while being manipulated by more seasoned British parliamentarians. Focusing on key propaganda images from the period via the critical visual culture framework established by Nicholas Mirzoeff, I will consider the work of Molloy and Griffith as a concerted 'counter-visualisation' of the mainstream status quo visualised and promoted by the IPP.


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