scholarly journals Outrage and the Bounds of Empathy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sukaina Hirji

Often, when we are angry, we are angry at someone who has hurt us. Our anger is a protest against a perceived mistreatment, and its function is to hold the person accountable for their offense. The anger involves a demand for some sort of change or response: that the hurt be acknowledged, that the relationship be repaired, that the offending party reform in some way. Call this “reform” anger. A different sort of attitude, often contrasted with reform anger, is hatred. Hatred is also a response to a perceived mistreatment, and it also demands some sort of change. Unlike reform anger, however, its goal is not to repair the relationship. Instead, its goal is destruction, to remove the offending party. In this paper, I develop and defend an account of a third sort of attitude, which I call “outrage” anger, that is distinct from both reform anger and hatred. I argue that outrage anger has an important role to play in the context of political injustice, but that it also comes with significant costs. In §1, I introduce outrage anger, and contrast it with reform anger. In §2, drawing on the work of Maria Lugones, I develop an account of outrage anger as a second-order attitude directed at the state of affairs in which a violation is not fully intelligible as the violation it is. I argue its central function is a kind of psychological boundary setting: it closes off the victim’s ability to feel empathy for their abuser. In §3, I show that the benefits of outrage come with serious costs, both epistemic and prudential. In §4, I make some suggestions about when, and for whom, the benefits of outrage outweigh the costs.

Author(s):  
Claudius Härpfer

In recent times we find many plebiscitary acts that seek to democratically legitimize political processes in any direction. They have in common that they interrupt the normal routine of representative democracies to a certain degree and create an extra-daily state of affairs, which entails not only direct but also indirect consequences. The text attempts to systematize some of these mechanisms from a Weberian perspective using Brexit as an example. After a brief overview of Weber’s short-term politically inspired statements on plebiscitary democracy, the text systematizes Weber’s understanding of the state as a bureaucratic apparatus that requires any kind of leader to be controlled. Subsequently, the text discusses the relationship between domination, legality, and rationality in order to finally point out the danger of erosion of truth and legality through the emergence of competing consensus communities in the face of competing conceptions of order.


2020 ◽  
pp. 264-268
Author(s):  
Николай Сапсай

В данном обзоре будет представлен труд, в котором анализируется развитие тенденции черногорских властей к сепаратизму совместно с формированием своей идентичности и церкви. В книге особенно прослеживается радикализация позиции черногорских властей по отношению к сербской идентичности и культуре, в том числе и канонической Сербской Православной Церкви. Также читатeли получат более полную картину о событиях, которые способствовали усложнению взаимоотношений между Церковью и государством в Черногории. Книга будет полезна всем тем, кто интересуется новейшей историей и положением дел в Черногории. This review will present a book that analyzes the development of the Montenegrin authorities’ tendency towards separatism together with the formation of their own identity and church. The book especially traces the radicalization of the position of the Montenegrin authorities in relation to Serbian identity and culture, including the canonical Serbian Orthodox Church. Also, the readers will receive a more complete picture of the events that contributed to the complication of the relationship between the Church and the state in Montenegro. The book will be useful to all those who are interested in the latest history and the state of affairs in Montenegro.


2019 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 295-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aldert Vrij ◽  
Maria Hartwig ◽  
Pär Anders Granhag

The relationship between nonverbal communication and deception continues to attract much interest, but there are many misconceptions about it. In this review, we present a scientific view on this relationship. We describe theories explaining why liars would behave differently from truth tellers, followed by research on how liars actually behave and individuals’ ability to detect lies. We show that the nonverbal cues to deceit discovered to date are faint and unreliable and that people are mediocre lie catchers when they pay attention to behavior. We also discuss why individuals hold misbeliefs about the relationship between nonverbal behavior and deception—beliefs that appear very hard to debunk. We further discuss the ways in which researchers could improve the state of affairs by examining nonverbal behaviors in different ways and in different settings than they currently do.


2021 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 125-139
Author(s):  
Christos Marneros

The relationship between anarchy and the law is, to say the least, an uncomfortable one. The so-called ‘classical’ anarchist position – in all its heterogeneous tendencies – is, usually, characterised by a total opposition against the law. However and despite its invaluable contribution and the ever-pertinent critique of the state of affairs, this ‘classical’ anarchist position needs to be re-examined and rearticulated if it is to pose an effective nuisance to the current (and much complex) mechanisms of domination and the oppression of dogmatism and dominance of the law. Taking into account the aforementioned challenges, in this article, I examine and develop two notions of the philosophical thought of Gilles Deleuze, namely that of the institution and that of the nomos of the nomads. In doing so, I aim to think anew the relationship between anarchy and the law and, ultimately, to point towards an ethico-political account, of what I shall call an an-archic nomos which escapes (or, at least, tries to) the dogmatism and “archist” mentality of the law.


Author(s):  
Hasan Darvish ◽  
Gholamreza Jandaghi ◽  
Maryam Mashayekhi

In this research has been paid to the research and study of new concepts in management that is considered to the attention of many researchers in various fields including economics, social sciences, and political science and ... because of its strand nature. This study investigates the effect of social capital on job satisfaction of managers and employees in the State General Inspection Organization. The purpose of this study, the type of application and data collection methods, descriptive. This study is called correlation research because of the relationship between two or more variables. In this study has been investigated the model by using exploratory and confirmatory analysis statistics. The statistics society of this research is managers, experts and employees of the State General Inspection Organization. Confirmatory factor analysis of social capital in the first question of all questions except 58 and 61 t-value are acceptable to that question will be removed and the job satisfaction of first-order factor analysis of questions 2 and 31 are removed and values x 2 / df First-and second-order confirmatory factor analysis, and RMSEA of social capital and job satisfaction of first-and second-order model is indicative of the suitability and the value of x 2 / df and RMSEA T-value of the structural model and the necessary modifications are appropriate.


Author(s):  
Ольга Грива ◽  
Ol'ga Griva

In the presented monograph discusses the state of Affairs in the schools in the second half of XIX — beginning of XX century, concerning questions of organization of relations between teachers and students, by students. Documents of the gymnasiums operating in the territory of the Russian Empire, in particular in the Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, Kharkov and Odessa educational districts are analyzed. The author refuted the point of view on the school as a "school of drill and rote learning", and allegedly progressive role of school in shaping the educated, cultured, educated citizens. On numerous unpublished materials of archives (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, Kharkov, Odessa and Simferopol), a complex of official pedagogical documents and theoretical works of teachers shows the nature of the organization of intra-relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (8(72)) ◽  
pp. 59-63
Author(s):  
M. Shaulskyi

In the article, the author explores the problem of combating corruption in Ukraine, which affects the legal formation of local democracy, drawing attention to the direct relationship between these processes. A vicious circle has been created in Ukrainian society where corruption undermines democratic institutions, in turn, weak democratic institutions are unable to control corruption. It is obvious that an important factor in the unresolved nature of this problem is the anti-corruption strategies of recent years, which have not been able to significantly affect the current state of affairs. This article offers an analysis of anti-corruption strategies of previous years and the draft law on anti-corruption strategy for 2021-2025, which aims to prevent and eliminate corruption in Ukraine. In turn, an effective anti-corruption fight would promote the development of the institution of local democracy, its forms such as elections, advisory bodies to the authorities, public hearings, conferences, public discussions, cooperation of public institutions and authorities at the regional and interregional level, financial participation in projects, programs and activities of the state and citizens, joint monitoring of public opinion and conducting polls, sociological research, the institute of formation of civic competencies, feedback of information exchange, etc. Despite the long history of the development of legal mechanisms of the state aimed at overcoming corruption, there is no deep understanding in the domestic political science of the relationship between the concept of local democracy and the level of corruption. There is a noticeable lack of work that examines the relationship between corruption and the development of the institution of local democracy, which would contain an analysis of the problems of local democracy through the prism of the level of corruption and the activities of anti-corruption bodies in Ukraine. Considering the problem from this angle, we can better understand the essence of the changes that the European Ukrainian state needs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Andrew Comensoli ◽  
Carolyn MacCann

The current study proposes and refines the Appraisals in Personality (AIP) model in a multilevel investigation of whether appraisal dimensions of emotion predict differences in state neuroticism and extraversion. University students (N = 151) completed a five-factor measure of trait personality, and retrospectively reported seven situations from the previous week, giving state personality and appraisal ratings for each situation. Results indicated that: (a) trait neuroticism and extraversion predicted average levels of state neuroticism and extraversion respectively, and (b) five of the examined appraisal dimensions predicted one, or both of the state neuroticism and extraversion personality domains. However, trait personality did not moderate the relationship between appraisals and state personality. It is concluded that appraisal dimensions of emotion may provide a useful taxonomy for quantifying and comparing situations, and predicting state personality.


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