scholarly journals Understanding decoupling: Untruthful company crisis communication in Latin America

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Orlando E. Contreras-Pacheco ◽  
Cyrlene Claasen ◽  
Fernando J. Garrigós-Simón

Purpose: This work analyzes how decoupling is used by offending companies in response to environmental crisis incidents in the Latin American context. Ethical implications and its links to legitimacy are considered.Design/methodology/approach: The research relies on a multi-case study approach, where four major environmental incidents involving four natural resource companies in Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, and Argentina are analyzed. By examining public sources, the crisis communication processes performed by these companies are studied in order to allow for the linking of theory and practice.Findings: Results obtained suggest that, in an attempt to defend their legitimacy, companies deliberately conveyed untruthful messages and decoupled their communication in crisis from reality, resulting in ethical concerns for the practice of both crisis management and crisis communication.Research limitations/implications: By emphasizing the link between legitimacy and communication in crisis scenarios, the study illustrates how decoupling (i.e., untruthful communication practices) can be performed as a crisis management strategy. However, due the constraints of case studies, it is acknowledged that the paper has limitations for generalization.Originality/value: This work identifies four different decoupling-based crisis communication strategies performed by companies, and the way these are accompanied with secondary strategies. Furthermore, by focusing on Latin America, the study reflects the potential impact that the geographical context may have on the company’s crisis communication strategy and ultimately its legitimacy.

Author(s):  
Maria Antonieta Del Tedesco Lins ◽  
Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann

AbstractThis chapter analyses the governance institutions in Latin America, i.e. norms, instruments and mechanisms designed to deal with macroeconomic and financial crisis management, and their use during the financial crisis which started in 2008 in the USA and reached the region mostly towards the mid-2010s. It argues that Latin American regional institutions never prioritized the harmonization or the development of common macroeconomic policies or mechanisms to deal with financial crises, and the few multilateral initiatives created were not successful.


2018 ◽  
pp. 83-90
Author(s):  
Anatoly Tkach

The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerrit Hirschfeld ◽  
Meinald Thielsch

Introduction: The communication patterns of commercial organizations are generally guided by Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT), but the impact of different crisis communication strategies for public messaging on COVID-19 has not been thoroughly examined. As such, we test how crisis communication strategies affect trust in mayors and the acceptance of behavioral measures, specifically regarding the buffering effect of a mayor’s pre-crisis reputation as well whether trust mediates the link between crisis communication strategies and acceptance of behavioral measures. Methods: A total of 561 participants (53% female; mean age 50 yrs) took part in an online experiment in which we systematically manipulated the mayor’s crisis communication strategy (deny vs. diminish, vs. rebuild, vs. bolstering, vs. no response) and pre-crisis reputation (good past crisis management, bad past crisis management). Age, gender and education served as covariates. In an exploratory analysis, we also tested the predictive power of personal concern regarding the COVID-19 pandemic as well as internal and external control convictions. Results: In our pre-planned analysis, we found that crisis communication strategies and pre-crisis reputation had no significant effect on participants’ ratings of acceptance of certain behaviors or their behavioral intentions. However, the different communication strategies did affect participants’ trust in the mayor and intention to vote for him. Specifically, we found that while the strategy of denying was overall unsuccessful, all other strategies fared similarly when the mayor’s pre-crisis reputation was high. When his pre-crisis reputation was low, differences emerged between the other strategies. The exploratory analysis corroborated earlier findings about the importance of individual concern and trust as predictors of behavioral measures. Discussion: Overall, SCCT seems to be an adequate description the effects of communication strategies on reputation in local officials during a pandemic. Yet, neither direct effects of communication strategies on acceptance of behavioral measures nor indirect effects on behavioral measures could not be shown. Since trust is an important aspect, we advise local officials to carefully choose their communication style.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 258-267
Author(s):  
E. V. Kozhatkina

The article examines the trends of the new technological revolution and their relationship with intangible assets. Practical examples of anti–crisis communication strategy are considered. Principles for overcoming the reputation crisis are proposed. The methodology for conducting reputation monitoring is disclosed.


Author(s):  
Ni Ketut Dimar Warsihantari ◽  
I Gusti Ngurah Putra

The aviation industry is one of the most vulnerable industrial sectors to the crisis. Failure to manage the crisis they face can threaten their lives. Therefore, managers of airline companies are required to have the ability to manage crisis and communicate in crisis situations. Crisis communication strategy becomes an important part in crisis management. This study uses content analysis of the crisis communication strategies used by AirAsia and Malaysia Airlines in their respective aircraft accidents on December 28, 2014 and March 8, 2014. This research found that both companies were fast enough to respond to crises despite differences in strategy they use in responding the  crisis. AirAsia emphasizes the use of apology without ignoring compensating, while Malaysia Airlines emphasizes compensation without ignoring apology.


Author(s):  
Olena Skoruk

The development of the Ukrainian state as one of the members of the world community is directly related to the process of solving problems of public administration, social development of crisis communication, which is impossible without scientific substantiation of the main directions of administrative and organizational creation of our statehood, theoretical and methodological basis, the functioning of public authorities in the field of protection of the population and the territory of Ukraine from the effects of a pandemic.This article considers and investigates the communication system during the pandemic in Ukraine. Changes in the system of crisis communication for the period of stress situation in the state and constant aspects are analyzed. The information policy and communication strategy in case of the pandemic are considered.The reasons for supply disruptions and economic collapse in the country are analyzed. Changes in the external environment of enterprises and opportunities for practical decisions that should be implemented in order to ensure the continuity of the organization in the face of growing threats, including appropriate crisis management structures and procedures, team reorganization, appropriate infrastructure and tool support, appropriate communications or supply chain management, are also considered.The information support of all organizational structures and the population is considered as a key factor of effective functioning, economic growth, socio-political stability and development of democratic principles in state governance. As a result, the ways and possibilities of crisis management of the activities of various organizational structures and the state as a whole, in the pandemic and unknown threats are analyzed. And also the crisis with its certain structure and life cycle is analyzed in detail, for approximate forecasting of its development and possible ways of the decision of the arisen problem. The construction of possible steps to neutralize crisis situations is considered and a number of conclusions are made for the continuous operation of enterprises and organizations. 


Author(s):  
Mustafa Emre Civelek ◽  
Murat Cemberci ◽  
Necati Erdem Eralp

Social media and social media tools have improved rapidly and started to influence society especially in recent years. This influence has forced businesses to revolutionize their communication with the external environment. The fact that Web 2.0 has an influence on consumer behavior, and that it makes the consumers stronger; requires faster, more flexible and more sensitive communication processes in businesses. Especially during a time of crisis, a business’ communication with the external environment is quite critical. For this reason, the way how the crisis communication is managed through social media is vital for businesses. In this article, the perceptions of how to manage businesses during a time of crisis so that they make minimum loss, is shared.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustín Escobar Latapi

Although the migration – development nexus is widely recognized as a complex one, it is generally thought that there is a relationship between poverty and emigration, and that remittances lessen inequality. On the basis of Latin American and Mexican data, this chapter intends to show that for Mexico, the exchange of migrants for remittances is among the lowest in Latin America, that extreme poor Mexicans don't migrate although the moderately poor do, that remittances have a small, non-significant impact on the most widely used inequality index of all households and a very large one on the inequality index of remittance-receiving households, and finally that, to Mexican households, the opportunity cost of international migration is higher than remittance income. In summary, there is a relationship between poverty and migration (and vice versa), but this relationship is far from linear, and in some respects may be a perverse one for Mexico and for Mexican households.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.


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