Number of export almond lots rejected in the EU due to USA sampling plans and aflatoxin contamination levels among lots tested

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Whitaker ◽  
A. Slate ◽  
J. Adams ◽  
T. Birmingham

In March 2010, the European Union (EU) modified their aflatoxin limits and sampling plans for almonds, pistachios, and hazelnuts to closely resemble that developed by Codex in 2008. To assist the USA almond industry evaluate how to modify their aflatoxin sampling plan to minimise USA lots rejected by the EU at import, studies were conducted to: (a) develop a model to predict the number of USA almond lots rejected at origin and at destination by various Codex style aflatoxin-sampling plans used by the USA where accept/reject limits vary from EU limits of 8 ng/g aflatoxin B1 / 10 ng/g total aflatoxins (AFT) to 8, 6, 4, 2, and 0.5 ng/g AFT; (b) determine the effect of the level of aflatoxin contamination among lots tested in the USA on the number of lots accepted and rejected at origin and at destination; and (c) develop a method based upon lots rejected in the USA to predict the lots rejected several months later in the EU. For a given USA crop contamination level, as the accept/reject limits of the USA sampling plan decreases from 8 to 0.5 ng/g AFT, the number of lots rejected in the USA increases, the average aflatoxin concentration among all lots accepted for export decreases, the number of lots rejected in the EU decreases, and the average aflatoxin concentration among lots accepted in the EU decreases. For a given USA aflatoxin sampling plan used at origin, an increase in the USA crop aflatoxin contamination level increases the number of lots rejected at origin, increases the average aflatoxin concentration in USA lots accepted for export, increases the number of lots rejected in the EU, and increases the average aflatoxin concentration among lots accepted in the EU. Graphical techniques were developed to use the percentage of lots rejected in the USA to predict the percentage of USA lots rejected by the EU.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 285
Author(s):  
Omer Ugur ◽  
Kadir Caner Dogan ◽  
Metin Aksoy

The European Union has grown up in terms of influence and size in international politics. The size of its economy and the ever-increasing membership, have seen its ambitions grow meaning that the EU now has an international presence it did not have at its formation. It is easy to say that with the EU being an ambitious actor in international politics, the rise into prominence of climate change naturally came in handy for the EU as it provided an opportunity for the EU to assert itself and prove both its capacity and presence. The 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the withdrawal of the USA from the obligations of the Kyoto came as a blessing in disguise for the Union as it seized the moment to assert itself. Thus, in trying to understand what role the EU has or is playing in international climate change politics, there is need to assess its leadership claims and what it has done to prove these claims. To get there, the paper will navigate through a part of the discipline of International Relations (IR) to understand how it provides for a basis to explain or understand the EU’s limitations and strengths on actorness.


Author(s):  
K. Voronov

Despite the crisis, the economy of the European Union remains to be the largest in the world. The economic mechanism of the EU is rather differentiated. It has a great historical experience and possesses sufficient evolutionary robustness. Currently, the former relationships between the EU and the USA undergo substantial changes and new forms emerge. For both of them the greatest challenge is presented by China which in recent decades shows the solid rates of GDP growth. Supposedly, Chines economy will become the world largest on in the new future. Under such conditions the Old World has to conduct a persistent search for new sources of its successful macroeconomic growth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-394
Author(s):  
Rong-Her Chiu

Purpose The first well-known liner shipping conference was created for the UK/Calcutta trade in 1875. However, the European Union (EU) decided to abolish repeal the liner conferences system with effect from October 18 2008. This paper aims to study the governing regulations on shipping conferences in Taiwan along with investigating the impact on the EU to repeal conferences. The regulation on liner conferences in the USA is also briefly referred. Design/methodology/approach Literature review and questionnaire survey are used to conduct the study. This paper reviews important literature relating to the EU to repeal the conferences system and its impact on liner market competition to/from European trade routes, with discussions on the US and Taiwan regulations on shipping conferences. Questionnaire survey data, collected from published report and this research present shippers’ and carriers’ responses on the changes of regulations on liner conferences. Findings Shippers are strongly supporting the repeal of the conferences system. Academic research results basically reveal that the liner market will be more competitive in the trades to/from the USA and the EU after the repeal of the conferences. For Taiwan, its regulations are rather simple and loosely control over the liner conferences; therefore, if the shipping administration intends to enhance the inspection of the agreements of conferences and strategic alliances, more detailed regulations should be prepared, and the provisions of the EU or USA would be a good reference. Practical implications Through the discussions on the legal treatments of shipping conferences from the USA, the EU and Taiwan perspectives, this paper provides shipping researchers with not only a clear evolution of the liner conferences but also a deep understanding of the impact to repeal the conferences on liner market competition. Originality/value This paper reviews important literature and related legislations on liner conferences including the USA, the EU and Taiwan. The different responses on the EU to repeal the conferences system from shippers and carriers are discussed. The impact on liner market competition is presented.


Author(s):  
Greta Carioli ◽  
Paola Bertuccio ◽  
Fabio Levi ◽  
Paolo Boffetta ◽  
Eva Negri ◽  
...  

Objective: To illustrate trends in sex ratios in epithelial cancer mortality in the EU, USA, and Japan, with a focus on age-specific and cohort patterns. Methods: We obtained certified deaths and resident populations from the World Health Organisation for the period of 1970–2014 for the USA, Japan, and the EU for 12 epithelial cancer sites. From these, we calculated both the age-specific and age-standardised male-to-female mortality sex ratios. We applied an age-period-cohort model to the sex ratios in order to disentangle the effects of age, period of death, and birth cohort. Results: Age-standardised mortality sex ratios were found to be unfavourable to males, apart from thyroid cancer. The highest standardised rates were in laryngeal cancer: 7·7 in the 1970s in the USA, 17·4 in the 1980s in the EU, and 16·8 in the 2000s in Japan. Cohort patterns likely to be due to excess smoking (1890 cohort) and drinking (1940 cohort) in men were identified in the USA, and were present but less defined in the EU and Japan for the oral cavity, oesophagus, liver, pancreas, larynx, lung, bladder, and kidney. Conclusion: Mortality sex ratio patterns are partly explained by the differences in exposure to known and avoidable risk factors. These are mostly tobacco, alcohol, and obesity/overweight, as well as other lifestyle-related factors.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ye Mingque ◽  
Alena Slisava

<p>Nowadays non-tariff measures become more and more widely used. Russia is one of world largest importers of agri-products. In order to protect domestic production different non-tariff measures (NTMs) are used, which create difficulties for the exporters because NTMs are strict, changeable and difficult to deal with. This article analyses Russian non-tariff measures and their influence on the European Union exports of agri-products by using gravity model. The results show that Russian trade resistance is weaker for EU agricultural products exporters than for the USA exporters but stronger than for Chinese agricultural products exporters. The results do not prove that Russia’s NTMs have bigger impact on the EU exports than on the other countries’ exports such as India, Kyrgyz Republic, and the Ukraine. The NTM of such countries as China and Mexico also have much greater influence on the EU exports of agri-products than Russian NTMs.</p>


Author(s):  
Laura Bradford ◽  
Mateo Aboy ◽  
Kathleen Liddell

Abstract International health research increasingly depends on collaboration and combination using medical data to advance treatment and drug discovery. The European Union (EU), through its General Data Protection Regulation, has tightened the rules for sharing data across borders to protect individual privacy. These new rules threaten cooperation between the EU and the USA, the two largest public funders of biomedical research. This article analyzes the primary pathway for sharing research data with the USA, the US–EU Privacy Shield††, and argues that the Shield is ill-suited to support complex health studies. Its legitimacy is in question under both EU and US law, and its terms are too restrictive for the variety of exchanges underlying research, treatment, and care. As an alternative, we propose that the USA seek an additional sector-based adequacy determination based on the existing US health privacy law, the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act. A sector-specific approach to adequacy for health would avoid many of the most contentious issues that divide the USA and EU on data protection. It could also serve as a model for other third-party jurisdictions and facilitate international harmonization of health research practices.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-59
Author(s):  
Viktoriya Mashkara-Choknadiy ◽  
Yuriy Mayboroda

The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-74
Author(s):  
Margarida Albuquerque ◽  
João Facucho-Oliveira ◽  
Daniel Esteves-Sousa ◽  
Nuno Moura ◽  
Daniel Neto ◽  
...  

Lurasidone is an atypical antipsychotic approved in 2010 in Canada and in the USA for the treatment of adults with schizophrenia or bipolar type I disorder. In 2014 it was approved in the European Union for the treatment of patients with 13 years‑old or older, with schizophrenia. Lurasidone is a benzisothiazole derivative with a binding profile that makes it an antidepressant candidate with a low metabolic impact. In patients with bipolar disorder, depressive episodes tend to be present for the majority of the time and are difficult to treat, as shown in multiple surveys indicating that more than three quarters of patients with bipolar depression receive at least two pharmaceutical drugs and more than one third receive three or more. Some relevant international guidelines include different first‑line options in the treatment of bipolar depression, among which is lurasidone. Considering the difficulties in treating depressive episodes in bipolar disorder, the EU marketing authorization limiting the use of lurasidone in schizophrenia only and the expectable commercialization in Portugal by 2021, we aim to review the literature regarding the efficacy and advantages of lurasidone for depressive episodes of bipolar disorder and to discuss the usefulness of approving this medication as an alternative treatment approach.


Author(s):  
Jacek Zieliński

The necessity of the single migration- and terrorism-related legal policy development within the European Union is undisputed. It may turn out, however, that measures taken would not bring any improvement unless the priorities within such values as equality, respect for diversity, free movement of persons, solidarity and citizens’ security are previously established, sometimes – with a new content. The Author takes the position that the values considered now to be the core of the EU existence and its key achievement can underpin its disintegration. The escalation of migration stimulates centrifugal destructive movements reflected in the increasing impact of the renationalisation philosophy of thinking about Europe on the Community solidarity, fossilisation of social moods and expectations, growing popularity of right-wing parties. All these, in consequence, foster the fossilisation and restrictiveness of law. It is related in part to the fear of globalisation and in part to the excessive regulations at the macro level, therefore to the breach of self-identification security that is getting more and more apparent nowadays. From that perspective, the separation of the contradictions that have arisen between the basic EU values as regards providing single legal policy in the migration area seems to be cognitively valuable. Another issue is to answer the question how this wave of refugees has escalated and whose interest is currently in the destabilisation of Europe. The question is all the more important that the refugees are not heading towards other culturally closer Islamic countries or the USA but the pillar-states of the EU. Vienotas ar migrāciju un terorismu saistītas tiesiskās politikas nepieciešamība Eiropas Savienībā ir neapstrīdama. Tomēr var izrādīties, ka veiktie pasākumi neradīs nekādu uzlabojumu, ja vien kā prioritātes netiks izvirzītas tādas vērtības kā vienlīdzība, cieņa pret dažādību, personu brīva pārvietošanās, solidaritāte un iedzīvotāju drošība, kas jau ir paredzētas, dažreiz – ar jaunu saturu. Autors pauž nostāju, ka vērtības, kas šobrīd ir ES pastāvēšanas kodols un tās galvenais sasniegums, var veicināt tās sabrukumu. Migrācijas eskalācija stimulē destruktīvas centrbēdzes kustības, kas atspoguļojas pieaugošā ietekmē uz renacionalizācijas filozofiju, domājot par Eiropas Kopienas solidaritāti, sociālo noskaņu un vēlmju fosilizāciju, labējo partiju pieaugošo popularitāti. Tas viss var veicināt likuma fosilizāciju un modifikāciju, turklāt tas daļēji ir saistīts ar bailēm no globalizācijas un ar pārmērīgajiem noteikumiem makrolīmenī, līdz ar to pārkāpjot pašidentifikācijas drošību. No šī viedokļa raugoties, pretrunu, kas radušās starp galvenajām ES pamatvērtībām un attiecībā uz vienotu tiesisku politiku migrācijas jomā, nodalīšana ir neapstrīdami nepieciešama. Vēl viens jautājums, kas prasa atbildi, ir: kādēļ šis bēgļu vilnis ir eskalējies un kā interesēs pašlaik notiek destabilizācija Eiropā? Un kāpēc bēgļi nedodas uz citām kultūras ziņā tuvākām islāma valstīm vai ASV, bet gan tieši uz Eiropu?


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-B) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Andreevna Vinogradova ◽  
Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova

Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.


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