Political, Economic and Demographic Commonalities and Interactions between the Political Crisis in the Southern Shores and the Economic Crisis in the Northern Shores of the Mediterranean

2014 ◽  
Vol 371 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Alfred Tovias
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Political Economic

Rural Employment and Rural-Urban Differences in Employment in Zaire: A Comparative Perspective1

1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Shapiro ◽  
Sharon Shapiro
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Subsistence Agriculture ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Rural Employment ◽  
Using Data

This article provides evidence on the extent of de-agrarianization, the nature of rural employment, and rural-urban differences in employment in Zaire. The composition of employment by industry is examined using data from Zaire's 1984 Census. Increased schooling was associated with a greater propensity to be involved in nonagricultural employment. Since 1990, Zaire's chronic economic crisis has become acute and is intertwined with the political crisis resulting from President Mobutu's resistance to popular calls for democratization. In these circumstances, de-agrarianization is effectively put on hold. Nonagricultural employment opportunities have diminished considerably, and an increasing proportion of the country's population is being pushed back to subsistence agriculture.

scholarly journals Hugo Chávez dan Kebangkitan Populisme-Kiri Amerika Latin: Venezuela Era Hugo Chávez (1998-2006)

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-73
Author(s):  
Daniel Hutagalung
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Bolivarian Revolution ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Program ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Revolution

Hugo Chávez appeared and emerged in Venezuela under political-economic crisis. This article argues that his power struggle supported by the people because Chavez vision and mission are to favour the people inrerest, and he takes care about people. . Chave political project, as stated Ellner as non- revolutionary path of radical populism, expressed through various political program missions, namely to encourage social revolutionary program, but not in the political project of the revolution, at least during the Chávez powers throughout 1998-2006. However, Ellner mentioned that non- revolutionary path of radical populism can also lead to revolutionary-path, meaning that political poryek Chávez is still unfinished and still possible to reach a variety of changes, whether the "Bolivarian Revolution" will take the form of non-revolutionary transformation, or even revolutionary- path.

Crime, contamination may mar Rio de Janeiro Olympics

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Water Contamination ◽  
Olympic Games ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Violence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
One Year ◽  
Construction Works

Subject Preparations for the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro. Significance Despite the continuing political and economic crisis, nearly a year before the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, the schedule of works for the event remains on time. According to a recent report released by the local organising committee, 88% of the main competition sites have been completed, a level similar to that accomplished in London one year before the beginning of the 2012 games. Impacts The political crisis should not affect preparations for the Games, as most construction works are the responsibility of local authorities. However, high levels of water contamination are a concern that cannot be adequately addressed in time. Moreover, Rio's record on urban violence raises questions about visitor safety.

Populism and the (Italian) crisis: The voters and the context

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572095262
Author(s):  
Manuela Caiani ◽  
Enrico Padoan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Level ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Demand And Supply ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Economic Migration ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Political Economic

This article, focusing on Italy, aims to broaden our understanding of the recent striking electoral fortunes of (differing types of) populism in the country, by locating them within multiple crises (political, economic, migration) that have shocked Europe in the last two decades. By combining individual-level survey data on voters with organizational-level interviews conducted with national and local representatives and activists of the Five Star Movement and the League, the role played by these crises in the two different Italian populisms will be disentangled from ‘demand’ and ‘supply’ perspectives – which are usually treated in isolation. The findings indicate a coherence between the political parties’ message and their respective potential voters’ orientations and attitudes (with regard to the three crises), underlining the ability of different varieties of populism to intercept (and mobilize) different grievances: whereas the economic crisis of representation is a key ingredient of both the populists’ success, the cultural crisis is more salient for the exclusionary populist League, while the political crisis is more salient for the inclusionary 5SM. For both the mobilization and representation of those citizens unsatisfied with traditional politics seems crucial. These different causes of success appear to be a useful lens through which to examine the failure of an attempt to govern by combining two differing types of populism.

Togolese Crisis: French Gambit

2018 ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Vasily Filippov
Keyword(s):  
Optimal Solution ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Empire ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Current Events ◽  
Wait And See ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Political Economic

This research explores the political crisis in the Togolese Republic that has been going since the fall of 2017. The problems under investigation: the confrontation between the power personified in the President Faure Gnassinbé, and the opposition led by Jean-Pierre Fabre; the background of the conflict; a role of France in the murder of the First Togolese President Sylvanus Olympio, and the establishment of the half century dictatorship of the Gnassinbé clan. The special attention is paid to the tactic of the French President of the Fifth Republic Emmanuel Macron and the President of Ghana Nana Akufo-Addo, in the settlement of the Togolese crisis. The principle of historicism and the historical reconstruction served as the methods to determine multiple factors of the political instability in Togo. These methods allowed us to conclude that at the core of the situation is the determination of the Elysee Palace to preserve the political, economic and strategical interests of France in this African country. The confrontation between the Togolese President whose legitimacy is questioned by many, and the opposition that has already shifted to the violent resistance to the odious country leader, make French President face a difficult choice. On the one hand, the removal from power of the Gnassingbé clan could seriously politically, economically and strategically hurt the Fifth Republic and become sign of the erosion of the whole “Franceafrique” system. On the other hand, an open support of F. Gnassingbé is fraught with serious reputational damage both, for E. Macron personally and for the entire French diplomacy on the Black continent. This, in turn, could Illy affect the relations of France with its African clientele, the former colonies of the French Empire. All of the above stipulate Paris’ wait-and-see attitude. Apparently, the optimal solution of the problem, according to Macron, is the preservation of the presidential rule of F. Gnassingbé until the 2020 elections. In his opinion, the elections would either confirm the legitimacy of the acting president or would provide a democratic power succession. The time left until the elections he expects to use to secure guarantees from the leaders of the opposition for all the preferences the Fifth Republic enjoys in its relations with the Togolese Republic. In the event of the crisis escalation France is ready to play a political gambit to gain sympathy of the opposition leaders at the cost of removal from power of its former favorite F. Gnassingbé. The novelty and importance of the research is conditioned by the current events in Togo: the political crisis has not yet become a subject of analysis of the Russian and Western scholars.

scholarly journals Europe in the World after the Crisis: A Relational Approach

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teresa Pullano
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Uneven Development ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Studies ◽  
Relational Approach ◽  
The World ◽  
The Eu

The economic crisis that has invested Europe since 2008 and the political crisis that peaked in the hot Greek summer of 2015 exposed the fractures and conflicts within the EU, but also within Europe at large. Arguably, this has led to a repositioning of Europe in the world, which is still ongoing. This reconfiguration of the internal European space happens in connection with the redefinition of the relations that Europe entertains with its outside (Moisio et al. 2013). Also, the crises have shown that ‘Europe’ means different things in different places. In this paper, it is argued that classical European studies need to be rethought accordingly: it is no longer possible (and perhaps never was) to conceive of Europe in hermetic categories, but European space and politics need to be re-conceptualized as heterogeneous and uneven, and this always in connection with the transformations happening beyond the artificial idea of Europe as a defined continent (Manners, 2012). Following the call of Jean and John Comaroff (J. Comaroff & J. L. Comaroff 2012), this paper argues that there is a need to look at transformations in contemporary Europe as a consequence of restructuring happening in other parts of the world. The uneven development characterizing today’s Eurozone may be read as a return of colonial relations or unfettered capitalism to Europe.

scholarly journals Krisis Ekonomi Krisis Politik Dunia Dan Ihsg

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Vidyarto Nugroho, Ishak Ramli
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Crude Oil ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Stock Exchange ◽  
Composite Index ◽  
Oil Prices ◽  
The United States ◽  
Share Price ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political

The global economic crisis of 2008-2010 had an impact on the global economic slowdown. Plus the political crisis in the countries of the Middle East region called the Arab Spring had become the center of world attention, because it also lowers economic conditions and corporate America and in other developing countries. By using daily data price of crude oil, the price of gold and exchange rates as well Rp./USD IDX Composite Index from  the year 2010 - 2012, tested the impact of crude oil prices, global gold prices on the Stock Exchange Composite Index. The result was at the time of global economic and political crisis in oil prices and the world gold price positively affects JCI opposed  to when normal conditions. When the economic crisis plus the political crisis that led to the oil price increases, the share price (CSPI) on the Stock Exchange also increased. Funds drawn investors from investing in the United States and other developing countries is invested in Indonesia so that stock prices rise along with oil prices and gold prices. While the exchange rate negatively affects Rp./USD JCI Stock Exchange, as a stronger rupiah lead JCI Stock Exchange also increased

The Developmentalist Project of the PT Governments: An Economic and Political Assessment

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-24
Author(s):  
Luiz Fernando de Paula ◽  
Fabiano Santos ◽  
Rafael Moura
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
International Context ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Policy Orientation ◽  
Fiscal Adjustment ◽  
Commodities Prices

An analysis of the endogenous and exogenous political and economic factors that conditioned the Partido dos Trabalhadores’s (PT) social-developmentalist project in 2003–2016 in the light of financialization and the “confidence game” conditioned by the volatility of external liquidity and commodities prices concludes that the first Lula administration faced the problem of a crisis of confidence and adopted orthodox policies but was able, with the improvement of international conditions, to launch policies of a more interventionist and distributive trend. Dilma Rousseff, facing a downright unfavorable international context, explicitly broke with the confidence game by applying the policy set of the new macroeconomic matrix. In her second term she radically reversed the policy orientation, moving toward a strong fiscal adjustment and monetary orthodoxy, and this eventually undermined her few sources of political support. The economic crisis from the second half of 2014 on undoubtedly contributed to the political crisis, which in turn made infeasible any attempt to implement policies to reverse the situation of economic crisis. Dilma’s impeachment finally interrupted the PT’s developmentalist project, allowing the emergence of new political actors. Uma análise dos fatores endógenos e exógenos, políticos e econômicos que condicionaram o projeto social-desenvolvimentista do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) em 2003–2016 à luz da financeirização e do “confidence game” condicionado pela volatilidade dos ciclos externos de liquidez e preços de commodities conclui que o primeiro governo Lula enfrentou o problema de crise de confiança e adotou políticas ortodoxas, mas pôde, com a melhoria nas condições internacionais, adotar políticas de perfil mais intervencionista e redistributivista. Já Dilma Rousseff, embora enfrentando contexto internacional francamente desfavorável, rompe explicitamente com o “confidence game” ao assumir o conjunto de políticas da Nova Matriz Macroeconômica. Na transição do primeiro para o segundo mandato, Dilma inverteu radicalmente a orientação das políticas, partindo para um forte ajuste fiscal e a ortodoxia monetária, o que acabou minando os poucos focos de sustentação política com os quais contava na sociedade. A crise econômica a partir do segundo semestre de 2014 sem dúvida contribuiu para dar origem à crise política, e esta por sua vez inviabilizou qualquer tentativa de implementação de políticas para reverter o quadro de crise econômica. O impeachment de Dilma, por fim, interrompe o projeto desenvolvimentista do PT, permitindo a emergência de novos atores políticos.

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