scholarly journals Benito Legarda, Jr.: in his own words and an appreciation

2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Gerardo Sicat

This remembrance is written in two parts. In the first part, Dr. Benito Legarda Jr. writes mostly in his own words. We engaged in numerous exchanges by correspondence that he initiated as reactions to my weekly column on economic and social issues and other topics in the Philippine Star. In these exchanges, he parlayed his knowledge and perspectives as an economist, economic historian, and Filipino. Included in this section is the text of a short talk he delivered on the occasion of the launch of a book I wrote about another man of stature, former Prime Minister and Finance Minister Cesar E. A. Virata. Despite some references to me and my own work (for which I apologize to the reader), it is reproduced in full because in this talk, he reveals so much little-known biographical information about himself in his own words. The second part of this essay is my own appreciation of him. We were long-time professional contemporaries in our service in the government and post-retirement. We worked almost in the same milieu and contemporary environment, although in different capacities and institutions.

Significance The government is headed by Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita, a leading PAS figure and former finance minister. This completes the creation of a strong functioning governance system under President Maia Sandu and her PAS allies. Impacts The budget deficit will encourage the government to accept conditions set by the IMF and EU. Unprecedented political synergies should foster swift, more cohesive reforms. A comprehensive campaign against corruption will be disruptive for the public sector. Finding competent, uncorrupt people to take senior positions and staff institutions will be a challenge.


Subject The political outlook for Papua New Guinea under a new government. Significance Legislators have elected former Finance Minister James Marape as prime minister. He replaces Peter O’Neill, who resigned ahead of a no-confidence vote. Marape has promised to “take back the economy” and a “change of direction” in handling major resource extraction projects to achieve better returns for the government and people. Impacts The change in leadership may result in better governance and more consultation on policy formulation. Dealing with disgruntled landowner groups poses real problems for resource project management. The country will remain heavily dependent on foreign investment in resource projects, particularly mining, oil and gas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bindu Devkota Sapkota

The Coronavirus disease which started in Wuhan, China, was declared a pandemic on 11th March 2020. Since then the world has come together for the trial and approval of vaccination. Meanwhile, the adopted approach to prevent and slow down the coronavirus is social distancing, handwashing, and use of face masks. In the UK, the government, together with the National Health Service (NHS), have taken various approaches to prevent and slow down the spread of coronavirus. These included imposing a ‘lockdown’ of the country (e.g. closure of schools, businesses, parks, leisure centres), along with the emphasis on handwashing, social distancing, the use of face masks and only permitting essential travel within the UK and between the UK and other countries. These approaches have been undertaken to varying extents and within different timeframes across the four nations of the UK.  Like many other countries worldwide, the UK was not prepared for such pandemics which resulted in the inability to assess the most appropriate approach to contain the spread, including the availability of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) for frontline workers, particularly those in health care. As the crisis continues several striking social issues have emerged which may, in part, be a consequence of the measures taken.  These include the escalation in domestic violence (DV) and disproportionate burden of disease among the Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) community. The impact of Covid-19 may remain for a long time if appropriate measures are not put in place to address the health inequalities in time.


2012 ◽  
pp. 393-400
Author(s):  
Rajko Bukvic

The paper considers the renewed interest in the life and work of Arseny Grigorevich Zverev, a long-time people?s commissioner, i.e. the USSR finance minister. The focus is on his secret report prepared for the Prime Minister I. V. Dzugashvili prior to the monetary reform of 1947, one of the most successful reforms in the whole monetary history. Having been published relatively recently in one of the newest historical journals, this report established Zverev as the true author of this reform. At the same time, it presents a brief review of the history of money and monetary systems in Russia, i.e. the USSR, including the monetary reform in the early 1920?s.


Significance The announcement was part of a cabinet reshuffle on May 14, which saw changes to several important portfolios, including energy, finance and interior. Bouteflika's intervention reflects concern about the impact of cheap oil on the economy. It also comes amid mounting popular discontent about economic and social issues, several high-profile corruption trials and intense infighting within the main political parties. Impacts The reshuffle will not change the perception that the government lacks direction due to Bouteflika's illness. Confusion over the stewardship of foreign policy reinforces the impression that the ruling system is riven with factionalism. Sellal is secure for a few months, but this could change amid upheavals in the main political parties.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sadik Hasan Shuvo

Abstract: It is a painful job to predict the death of people. But sometimes it is important to predict the future and concern the government. A furious future is waiting for Bangladesh. Objective: Objective of the study is to assume the number of positive case and death till 30th December, 2020 in Bangladesh. Study design: This study was designed with systematic review and data analysis. Method: The study was completed by analyzing data available on website. First COVID 19 case in Bangladesh was identified on 8th March. Analyzing the data increasing rate/common ratio of infection and death has been identified. Then this common ratio has been used in the formula of multiplication series. Data of China, Iran, Italy and the USA was also analyzed to assume how the death and case number increased. Social issues of Bangladesh were also analyzed. Considering all these the assumption was made. Result: It has been assumed that by the 43rd week (on 30th December, 2020) of first identification the total case can be 17024322 and total death can be 86265 by 30 December, 2020. As this is an assumption this can be true, partially true or false. But the base of assumption is strong enough so the possibility of being true or nearly true is higher. Policy Suggestion: Government should choose properly one between two options. Either government should declare curfew or let people lead normal life. A very weak lock down for a long time does not make any sense.


Author(s):  
Bernard Steunenberg

AbstractMulti-year budget frameworks are often considered as instruments for controlling spending, including in the context of the European Union. This paper shows that the effects of multi-year budgeting depends on several conditions, some of which, may lead to more rather than less spending. The analysis is based on a model of a finance minister’s decision to enforce a previously accepted budget ceiling in subsequent negotiations with a spending minister. The analysis takes account of uncertainty about preferences in these negotiations, positive transaction costs to the finance minister, and the possibility of political mediation through the prime minister. The findings of this paper show that compliance with budget frameworks improves under temporarily stable preferences (e.g. the absence of external shocks), more homogenous preferences within the government (e.g. majoritarian governments in contrast to coalition government), preference similarity between the finance minister and the prime minister (in case of mediation), and increasing transaction costs. In other circumstances, multi-annual frameworks will not be able to block any upward pressure on expenditures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11-12 ◽  
pp. 109-124
Author(s):  
Michał Przeperski

Mieczysław Rakowski, wieloletni redaktor naczelny tygodnika „Polityka” oraz prominentny reprezentant partyjnych „liberałów” w łonie PZPR, od lutego 1981 roku pełnił funkcję wicepremiera w rządzie Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego. Na skutek biegu wydarzeń w kolejnych miesiącach stał się z jednej strony jedną najbardziej medialnych postaci ekipy Jaruzelskiego, ale jednocześnie wraz z narastającym konfliktem wewnętrznym jego polityczne pole manewru dramatycznie się zawęziło. Ilustratywnym dowodem jest rola odgrywana przez niego w ścisłej elicie władzy w pierwszych miesiącach stanu wojennego. Zdanie Rakowskiego niewiele znaczyło, ale on sam nie zdecydował się na odejście z ekipy. Swoje polityczne ambicje pełnienia formalnej władzy Rakowski przypłacił towarzyską izolacją i środowiskowym ostracyzmem. Abstrakt Mieczysław Rakowski, a long-time editor-in-chief of the weekly “Polityka” and a prominent representative of the party ‘liberals’ in the Polish United Workers’ Party, served as deputy prime minister in the government of Wojciech Jaruzelski since February 1981. Soon after, he became one of the most well-known figures in Jaruzelski’s team, but – at the same time – was not only torn by an internal conflict, but lost space for any political manoeuvre. This losing of political capacity was evident in the role he played in the top power elite in the first months of the martial law. Rakowski’s opinion meant little, but he never decided to leave the team. For his political ambition to win actual political significance, Rakowski was socially ostracised and kept away from actual centres of political power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł Fiktus

At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.


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