scholarly journals A CASE STUDY OF AN EXPANSION OF INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS EAST ASIA: LOOK EAST POLICY TO ACT EAST POLICY

2018 ◽  
pp. 95-101
Author(s):  
Kashyap Kotecha ◽  
Mukesh Khatik

Foreign policies of the Nation-States being corrected continuously, especially after the Post - Cold war multipolar scenario. India’s partnership with SouthEast Asian Nation-States is a Post – Cold war story. The era of globalisation impels India as well as ASEAN countries to explore opportunities for mutual economic and strategic benefits, as a result of that India adopted the Look East Policy during 1990. Look East Policy being implemented successfully by successive governments. Meanwhile, China is being emerged as a global economic superpower in the last two decades. Due to the rise of Chinese hegemony in the South-East Indian and Indo-Pacific region compel India and other stack holder countries to reshape their foreign policies according to time, to serve their national interests. Consequently, the last Indian Government redefined and renamed the Look East policy to Act East Policy. One could say it as an updated version of Look East policy. In earlier episode policy was limited to South East Asia while in next episode focus of the policy is on whole East Asia. Also, the scope of Look East policy was idealistic and economic-centred, while the scope of the Act East Policy is realistic and vast. The newly emerged Act East Policy has an extra strategic edge over previous Look East Policy, the newer version is multidimensional, and it inculcates the strategic vision like the balance of power in East Asia, national interest and security-related issues in addition to the economic vision. Indeed, the nature of foreign policy always should be dynamic rather than static; hence, the Indian foreign policy is being transformed continuously as per the requirement of the time.

2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 1197-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Kaczmarski

A decade ago, Beijing's relations with Moscow were of marginal interest to China scholars. Topics such as growing Sino-American interdependence-cum-rivalry, engagement with East Asia or relations with the developing world overshadowed China's relationship with its northern neighbour. Scholars preoccupied with Russia's foreign policy did not pay much attention either, regarding the Kremlin's policy towards China as part and parcel of Russia's grand strategy directed towards the West. The main dividing line among those few who took a closer look ran between sceptics and alarmists. The former interpreted the post-Cold War rapprochement as superficial and envisioned an imminent clash of interests between the two states. The latter, a minority, saw the prospect of an anti-Western alliance.


Author(s):  
Enyu Zhang ◽  
Qingmin Zhang

The study of East Asian foreign policies has progressed in sync with mainstream international relations (IR) theories: (1) from perhaps an inadvertent or unconscious coincidence with realism during the Cold War to consciously using different theoretical tools to study the various aspects of East Asian foreign policies; and (2) from the dominance of realism to a diversity of theories in studying East Asian foreign policies. Nonetheless, the old issues from the Cold War have not been resolved; the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait remain two flashpoints in the region, with new twists that can derail regional stability and prosperity. New issues also have emerged and made East Asia most volatile. One issue is concerned with restructuring the balance of power in East Asia, particularly the dynamics among the major players, i.e. Japan, China, and the United States. Regionalism is another new topic in the study of East Asian foreign policies. A review of the current state of the field suggests that two complementary issues be given priority in the future. First, the foreign policy interests and strategies of individual small states vis-à-vis great powers in the region, particularly those in Southeast Asia and the Korean peninsula. Second, what could really elevate the study of East Asian foreign policies in the general field of IR and foreign policy analysis is to continue exploring innovative analytical frameworks that can expand the boundaries of existing metatheories and paradigms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (49) ◽  
pp. 15-28
Author(s):  
Shibashis Chatterjee ◽  
◽  
Sreya Maitra ◽  

Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-46
Author(s):  
Donald S. Rothchild

The Clinton administration and its predecessors have had a difficult time assessing the impact of ethnicity and nationalism on international conflict. They are inclined to focus on state power and individual rights considerations, downplaying the importance of the ties of communal identity and the emotive appeals of ethnic self-determination. Then, when ethnic groups do gain political significance, U.S. officials often give the communal concerns a prominence out of proportion with reality. The primary challenge for the Clinton administration is that U.S. liberalism classically has involved commitments that preclude flexibility on communally based demands for self-determination and group rights. Such perspectives can at times complicate the formulation of effective foreign policies for a region only partially integrated into the global capitalist economy, and therefore autonomous for some purposes from U.S. manipulation. What is needed is an involved but pragmatic liberalism that links U.S. conflict management objectives with what Thomas Friedman describes as a “coherent post–Cold War strategic framework.” Without that framework, he writes, “the Americans look like naive do-gooders trying to break up a street brawl.”


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