scholarly journals When the Local Minimum is not Enough: Incorporating Lexical Selection into Harmonic Serialism

Author(s):  
Miranda K. McCarvel

This paper argues that Harmonic Serialism must include the lexical listing of allomorphs to fully account for certain cases of phonologically conditioned allomorphy. The variation seen in the Jersey Norman French (Jèrriais) plural definite article presents problems for Harmonic Serialism and Harmonic Serialism with Optimal Interleaving unless Lexical Selection is adopted. I propose the incorporation of Lexical Selection into the Harmonic Serialism framework, which I term HS/LS. To account for phonologically conditioned allomorphy in the Jèrriais plural definite article, I propose and HS/LS analysis where allomorphs are lexically listed and partially ordered.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Mykel Loren Brinkerhoff

This study illustrates that role of Lexical Selection (Mascaró 2007) in Optimality Theory in accounting for the Welsh definite article’s allomorphy. This is in response to the claims made by Hannahs & Tallerman (2006) that OT is unable to account for the behavior and distribution of the definite article. This study addresses three of the points that Hannahs & Tallerman raised which I am calling the grammar problem, the homophony problem, and the allomorph interaction. I show that Lexical Selection is uniquely adapted to account for each of the points concerning the definite article allomorphy. Additionally, this study proposes that Lexical Selection needs to be amended with multiple Priority constraints that are morpheme specific. It also appears that there appears to exist a unique relationship between the constraint rankings of these multiple Priority constraints in what is called the prioritization of the hierarchy.


Author(s):  
A. Garg ◽  
W.A.T. Clark ◽  
J.P. Hirth

In the last twenty years, a significant amount of work has been done in the theoretical understanding of grain boundaries. The various proposed grain boundary models suggest the existence of coincidence site lattice (CSL) boundaries at specific misorientations where a periodic structure representing a local minimum of energy exists between the two crystals. In general, the boundary energy depends not only upon the density of CSL sites but also upon the boundary plane, so that different facets of the same boundary have different energy. Here we describe TEM observations of the dissociation of a Σ=27 boundary in silicon in order to reduce its surface energy and attain a low energy configuration.The boundary was identified as near CSL Σ=27 {255} having a misorientation of (38.7±0.2)°/[011] by standard Kikuchi pattern, electron diffraction and trace analysis techniques. Although the boundary appeared planar, in the TEM it was found to be dissociated in some regions into a Σ=3 {111} and a Σ=9 {122} boundary, as shown in Fig. 1.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 578-598
Author(s):  
Yu. L. Ershov ◽  
M. V. Schwidefsky

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-170
Author(s):  
Shanti Ulfsbjorninn

AbstractGalician presents an intriguing case of opaque phonologically-conditioned definite article allomorphy (PCA). Though Galician features in the general literature on PCA (Nevins 2011), there is a surprising lack of synchronic theoretical discussion of this specific pattern. The data appears to require allomorph selection arranged in a system of Priority (Mascaró 2005; Bonet et al. 2003; 2007). The pattern involves opaque segment ‘deletion’ and resyllabification, where segment deletion counterbleeds allomorph insertion along with morphologically-specific segmental changes. A Strict CV representational reanalysis is proposed in which there is no true allomorphy (no selection between competing underlying morphemes). All the forms are generated from a single underlying form, thereby undercutting PRIORITY.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 139-164
Author(s):  
Carsten Peust

“On the Augment of Late Egyptian Verb Forms” -- It is shown that the augment which is characteristic of certain nominal verb forms of Late Egyptian – and survives in a few traces up until Coptic – contains none of those vowels that were regularly admitted at the beginning of Egyptian words. Rather, it must continue a wordinternal vowel /ǝ/ that moved into the initial position by a misdivision of the proclitic definite article, which frequently preceded participles and relative forms in speech. The same vowel [ǝ] occurred as an epenthetic sound before the preposition ‹r› /r/ ~ [ǝr], from which only ǝ remained after its consonantal body got lost. These phonetic insights prove that the Late Egyptian augment cannot derive from the Old Egyptian augment, as has been contended, but is a genuine innovation of Late Egyptian. Finally, the rise of unetymological initial vowels in various other nouns such as ⲉϭⲱϣ (“Nubian”) and ⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ (Bohairic for “day”) is explained.


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