scholarly journals Speaking rate, voice-onset time, and quantity: The search for higher-order invariants for two Icelandic speech cues

1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörgen Pind
1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 745-764 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörgen Pind

Speech segments are highly context-dependent and acoustically variable. One factor that contributes heavily to the variability of speech is speaking rate. Some speech cues are temporal in nature—that is, the distinctions that they signify are defined over time. How can temporal speech cues keep their distinctiveness in the face of extrinsic transformations, such as those wrought by different speaking rates? This issue is explored with respect to the perception, in Icelandic, of Voice Onset Time as a cue for word-initial stop voicing, wordinitial aspiration as a cue for [h], and Voice Offset Time as a cue for pre-aspiration. All the speech cues show rate-dependent perception though to different degrees, with Voice Offset Time being most sensitive to rate changes and Voice Onset Time least sensitive. The differences in the behaviour of these speech cues are related to their different positions in the syllable.


eLife ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neal P Fox ◽  
Matthew Leonard ◽  
Matthias J Sjerps ◽  
Edward F Chang

In speech, listeners extract continuously-varying spectrotemporal cues from the acoustic signal to perceive discrete phonetic categories. Spectral cues are spatially encoded in the amplitude of responses in phonetically-tuned neural populations in auditory cortex. It remains unknown whether similar neurophysiological mechanisms encode temporal cues like voice-onset time (VOT), which distinguishes sounds like /b/ and/p/. We used direct brain recordings in humans to investigate the neural encoding of temporal speech cues with a VOT continuum from /ba/ to /pa/. We found that distinct neural populations respond preferentially to VOTs from one phonetic category, and are also sensitive to sub-phonetic VOT differences within a population’s preferred category. In a simple neural network model, simulated populations tuned to detect either temporal gaps or coincidences between spectral cues captured encoding patterns observed in real neural data. These results demonstrate that a spatial/amplitude neural code underlies the cortical representation of both spectral and temporal speech cues.


Author(s):  
Thea Knowles ◽  
Scott G. Adams ◽  
Mandar Jog

Purpose The purpose of this study was to quantify changes in acoustic distinctiveness in two groups of talkers with Parkinson's disease as they modify across a wide range of speaking rates. Method People with Parkinson's disease with and without deep brain stimulation and older healthy controls read 24 carrier phrases at different speech rates. Target nonsense words in the carrier phrases were designed to elicit stop consonants and corner vowels. Participants spoke at seven self-selected speech rates from very slow to very fast, elicited via magnitude production. Speech rate was measured in absolute words per minute and as a proportion of each talker's habitual rate. Measures of segmental distinctiveness included a temporal consonant measure, namely, voice onset time, and a spectral vowel measure, namely, vowel articulation index. Results All talkers successfully modified their rate of speech from slow to fast. Talkers with Parkinson's disease and deep brain stimulation demonstrated greater baseline speech impairment and produced smaller proportional changes at the fast end of the continuum. Increasingly slower speaking rates were associated with increased temporal contrasts (voice onset time) but not spectral contrasts (vowel articulation). Faster speech was associated with decreased contrasts in both domains. Talkers with deep brain stimulation demonstrated more aberrant productions across all speaking rates. Conclusions Findings suggest that temporal and spectral segmental distinctiveness are asymmetrically affected by speaking rate modifications in Parkinson's disease. Talkers with deep brain stimulation warrant further investigation with regard to speech changes they make as they adjust their speaking rate.


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.H. Kessinger ◽  
S.E. Blumstein

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