scholarly journals Closing the NAFTA Gap

2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Banks ◽  
Preeti Gill

The accession of Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal into the European Community was a significant move towards manifesting everlasting peace by means of a single market. The incorporation of these four weaker countries into the European Union (EU) marked a break from the EU’s traditional purview. The paradigm shift of the EU’s approach to enlargement placed Member States onto a path that would harness the full capabilities of a common market in improving civilians quality of life while simultaneously achieving individual Member States’ objectives including growth, employment, and trade. The regional effects of the EU’s single market are drastically different from the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). A much newer trading bloc (NAFTA came into effect on January 1, 1994), it lacks the wisdom and fine tuning of the EU. The governments of the United States, Mexico, and Canada signed the treaty1while hailing how it would “fuel economic growth and dynamic trade, stimulate investment while creating productive partnerships, work for small and medium sized businesses and provide fairness and certainty. NAFTA partners promote environmental protection, and provide greater job opportunities in North America”.2 Yet the effects seem to be the exact opposite. NAFTA has been called “one of the most innovative, astounding documents of the 20th century by the stoic…”3, but this so-called “innovative depth” has reduced barriers to trade and investment, without the necessary checks and balances. For Mexico, NAFTA merely expedited and formalized “the silent integration” that had been occurring since the Border Industrialization Project of 1965— without adding anything new to the table.4 Unlike the EU, NAFTA is a rigid document that has not reformed itself as needed to address issues of border control, immigration policies, and uneven socioeconomic development. In spite of sincere hopes for free trade and economic integration to raise living standards across the continent, the reality is that the unfettered markets have permitted NAFTA to persistently ignore the uneven economic development, and vulnerabilities each country faces. In so doing, the United States has been a quiet bystander to the inequalities proliferating from unchecked free trade. Both countries have been left vulnerable to NAFTA backlash. Mexico’s vulnerability stems from unsound economic development policies and overall slow growth. These factors have increased the US’ vulnerability, to migration. Fed up with uneven development, lack of job opportunities, poor working conditions, and low wages, many Mexicans are taking matters into their own hands and crossing the border, often illegally. Militaristic efforts to “defend” the border have done nothing but increase political tensions and migrant death tolls. NAFTA does not address the immigration problem and its root cause of unequal development. This paper begins with the European Union’s initial experience with enlargements and the experimentation process it underwent to reduce economic and social disparities between regions to further facilitate their single market objectives. After considering how the EU’s cohesion policy strengthened its own single market while simultaneously curbing migration, we present the NAFTA scenario, specifically against the backdrop of Mexico and the United States, in order to highlight the impotent mechanisms the United States relies upon to quiet the waves of economic migrants.

Author(s):  
Igor Merheim-Eyre

Igor Merheim-Eyre examines an area where EU values and interests appear to be currently in real tension – migration. Once again, while the EU institutions themselves may wish to promote values, individual member states are protecting their interests. He examines the ways in which the development of the single market and internal free movement has led to the need for greater control of the EU’s external borders. In this context the neighbours are seen as having a responsibility to help protect the EU from migration from further afield. In acquiescing in this they are promised visa-free access. We see the application of conditionality by the EU, referred to in several chapters, used not to just to promote norms and values but to defend the EU’s security interests. The EU may wish Turkey to be EU-ised but more immediately it needs Turkey to stop migration into the EU from Syria.


2019 ◽  
pp. 47-79
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Western leaders and institutions did not fully realize that they were under attack from Russia between 2007 and 2012. Yet when they slowly realized that Russia had launched an all-out hybrid war against Western institutions, a determined response emerged. The United States and EU imposed several rounds of economic sanctions on Russia, punishing key individuals and sectors of the economy. The EU also sought to prevent Russia from using energy blackmail against its member states. It took measures to reduce Gazprom’s influence by ending discriminatory contract provisions and building interconnectors between countries. NATO shored up its defenses in Eastern Europe to prevent another Russian invasion. All the while, the EU and NATO continued the project of creating a “Europe whole and free,” including the lands in between, setting the stage for a deepening geopolitical confrontation with Russia.


Subject EU's ePrivacy proposal. Significance Austria, as president of the Council of the EU for the second half of 2018, has made finalising the Regulation on Privacy and Electronic Communication or ‘ePrivacy Regulation’ (EPR) for the European digital single market a core priority. Impacts Critics argue that the EPR will further undercut the EU’s attractiveness as a digital economy hub compared to the United States and Asia. Advocates counter that, as with the GDPR, the EPR will reinforce the EU’s status as the agenda-setter in regulating the digital economy. Privacy rules and security considerations may collide.


Equilibrium ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Tomasz Dorożyński

In order to remove regional economic disparities, the EU realizes the cohesion policy. The evaluation of the cohesion policy from the point of view of experiences of individual member states and the EU is not explicit. What is especially controversial here, are unsuccessful attempts to reach the main goal, which is social, economic and territorial cohesion. It does not mean the negation of outcomes of numerous researches which confirm a positive influence of the cohesion policy on the economic growth. The subject for a discussion is the right balance between the equality and effectiveness. The key issue is an answer to the question who and how to support. The question is whether the aid should be directed at the areas which guarantee the highest added value? Should it be the priority to give equal opportunity to the poorest and to support them? At present the cohesion policy is trying to combine both those goals. However, with the limited measures and rising social, economic and territorial disparities, those actions are ineffective. The pace of economic growth in Poland in the recent years – bigger than the average in the EU – has contributed to the making up for part of a development distance towards the rest of the member states. The cohesion policy had some participation in this process. The evaluation of the influence of the cohesion policy is not easy, though. One has to, however, separate its influence from other factors affecting the social-economic situation of the regions. The main aim of the article is an evaluation of the role of the EU cohesion policy in the stimulation of social-economic development of Poland, in particular its impact on the economy of the regions. The research method is an analysis of the literature of the subject. The bases of the conducted research were: statistical data, program documents, reports, national and EU law, quantitative and qualitative research and secondary sources presented in various studies.


Author(s):  
I. Sysoieva ◽  
O. Miklukha ◽  
N. Pozniakovska ◽  
О. Balaziuk ◽  
O. Miklukha ◽  
...  

Abstract. The main provisions of the conceptualization of the introduction of social innovations in education and science, which constitute the internal content and is one of the main essential forms of economic development of modern society, are substantiated. It has been studied that the leading countries in terms of the number of the most innovative companies in the world are industrialized countries, high-income countries, as the United Kingdom (not a member of the EU since 2020), Ireland, Cyprus. However, Bulgaria, Italy, Malta, Germany, Portugal, Slovakia, Hungary, Croatia and the Czech Republic remain the least educated countries in recent years. There is a need for in-depth reforms of the education system and focusing on additional research missions. and business activities. It has been proven that one of the most important and widespread elements of the architecture of innovation infrastructure in the world, which is a supply component, is higher education institutions (HEIs), and the largest number of leading universities is in the United States and the United States. Kingdom. The role of social initiatives in increasing the competitiveness of Ukrainian higher education institutions is highlighted. budget funds in the future. The normative basis for such implementation may be the EU Public Procurement Directive. Based on a study of foreign experience in innovation, it was found that to stimulate innovation of domestic enterprises is important to improve the legislation governing issues related to innovation; improvement of innovation structure: creation of innovation centers, consulting centers, innovation banks; development of development programs and active state support of innovatively active enterprises and financial stimulation of competitiveness of Ukrainian universities and increase of motivational incentives for teachers of educational institutions. Keywords: social sphere, innovations, innovation project, rating of world innovations, investments, sustainable development, innovations in education.  JEL Classification M41, H20, Н44, А1 Formulas: 0; fig.: 1; tabl.: 7; bibl.: 13.


Author(s):  
Diego Valiante

The integration of capital markets in the EU is a long-term and complex task that is far from being completed. A comparative analysis with capital markets integration and development in the United States can offer insights on how the EU can develop its policy framework to achieve a single market for capital. This chapter begins with a brief review of the history of European financial integration policies since its inception in 1957. It then illustrates how capital markets can provide significant risk absorption against exogenous shocks. Finally, it presents a brief overview of the United States' economic history between 1860s and 1930s. Analogies can be found with the European financial integration process, as well as benchmarks to identify areas where European policies can do more to promote a Single Market for capital.


Significance Despite the increasing risk and the implications of a no-deal Brexit, Ireland and the EU remain united in support of the main issue preventing a Brexit deal, the backstop. Impacts A time-limited backstop is the most likely prospect for a Brexit deal compromise. Under a no-deal Brexit, Ireland would be under pressure to implement border checks and controls in order to protect EU rules. No deal would make it harder for the United Kingdom to negotiate free-trade agreements with the EU and the United States.


1997 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross D. Petty

Nearly 40% of the more than $270 billion spent on advertising throughout the world occurs in the United States and more than 25% more is spent in Europe (Adler 1996). Both the United States and European Union (EU) have a central government that is the source of marketwide law, as well as numerous states, each with its own individual laws. Although the EU drew on U.S. law when drafting its 1984 Directive on Misleading Advertising, many of its member states have legal traditions predating those of the United States, and they are reluctant to change. The author examines advertising law in both the United States and EU, specifically exploring the law of misleading, comparison, and unfair advertising. Differences between states in each market, the states and central government, and the United States and EU are analyzed to develop implications for both marketers and policy makers.


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