4 Assimilation Policy in Australia, 1890s–1962

Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 3613
Author(s):  
Carola Kleemann

The coastal areas of Finnmark have deep Sámi roots. With the Norwegian assimilation policy—Norwegianization—the transition to the Norwegian language has been extensive here, placing the region outside Sámi core areas. Nevertheless, indigenous Sea Sámi identity still exists, and language vitalization and raising awareness of culture are shown in Sámi institution building. Within these frames, kindergarten teachers with Sámi backgrounds work to strengthen their local Sámi language and culture in a Sámi department of a kindergarten outside the core Sámi areas. This article aims to shed light on how the use of their bilingual resources in pedagogical translanguaging practices can build sustainable language practices for North Sámi. With children and adults, we explored how culturally aware, situated outdoors activities, such as building a campfire and gathering berries, encouraged children’s use of North Sámi. Both children and adults recorded these activities with GoPro cameras. The material was transcribed and analyzed using Conversation Analysis and translanguaging. For this article, I chose three episodes in which kindergarten teachers used their bilingual language register to interact with children in different pedagogical practices to give children input in North Sámi. Pedagogical translanguaging with young language learners in an emergent bilingual situation could help strengthen North Sámi language and culture outside Sámi core areas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Enny Ingketria

From the Dutch colonial era until the end of Suharto administration, Chinese Indonesians have perpetually been the victims of racial prejudice and negative stereotyping addressed by pribumi. However, the most difficult situations and unpleasant experiences occurred under Suharto's New Order, where the forced assimilation policy was implemented and Chinese Indonesians at that time were drawn to Chinese films and series to search for their Chinese-ness, while escaping reality. The previous researches did not provide comprehensive studies on the identity formation of Chinese Indonesians in Post-Suharto era, especially after the reformation era, under different presidents. Therefore, the subjective reality of third and fourth generations of Chinese Indonesians who spent their adolescence and/or adulthood over the course of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)’s tenure has been explored in this study. From the constructive nature of reality to the situational constraints that shape inquiry, the Chinese Indonesians were indeed more emotionally expressive, supported by a more stable political and economic condition, exposure to the new media, and enhanced bilateral partnership between China and Indonesia. The use of new media in disseminating the Chinese cultural values through the media product, as well as the Chinese cultural practice publicly held by mostly Chinese communities in Indonesia became the influential factors in connecting those younger generations of Chinese Indonesia to their heritage. Ethnic pride and cultural long-distance nationalism can be eventually observed.


Author(s):  
E.P. Martynova

Modern approach to the study of ethnicity implies examination of its variability (drift, shifts and procedurality). This paper aims at the analysis of manifestations of ethnicity amongst the Ob-Ugrians in different historical peri-ods (traditional society, Soviet modernization and post-Soviet democracy). The author draws attention to explain-ing dominant role of one or another manifestation of ethnicity. The work is based on author’s observations made during the expeditions in the Khanty-Mansiysk Okrug (1980s-2000s) and publications by other researchers. Prior to the 1930s, the Ob-Ugric population was represented by a family of related languages and local ethnic groups with close cultures. The main factor of their self-identity was local ethnicity – names by a river. ‘People of the same river’ were bound by commercial, exchange and cultural-ritual bonds. In the official records, the Russian government registered, in the first place, social status of the indigenous population, calling its people ‘inorodtsy’ (‘non-Russians’) and ‘yasashnye’ (‘tributary’). Socialist transformations in the socio-economical, cultural and ideo-logical spheres marked the beginning of the assimilation policy with respect to the peoples of the North. As the all-Soviet standards of living were adopted, and social (including ethnocultural) uniformity achieved, ethnicity of the Ob-Ugrians continuously leveled out. At the same time, their ethnic identity was largely influenced by recording their nationality in the passports – Khanty and Mansy, coincident with the name of the okrug. In the post-Soviet period, ethnicity of the Khanty and Mansy, ‘hibernated’ during the Soviet time, ‘woke up’ suddenly and loudly turn-ing into a powerful creational factor. The ethnic mobilization unwrapped by the initiative of ethnic leaders signifi-cantly raised the status of the ethnic culture and people themselves. As a result, three levels of identity emerged. The first level is trans-ethnicity of ‘natives’ or ‘aborigines’, which is an important political instrument. The second level is official ethnic identity, which is reflected in the ethnonyms ‘Khanty’, ‘Mansy’ and ‘Nentsy’. Its representation in the ethnocultural politics of the okrug (organizing celebrations and festivals, folk group activities etc.) is given a high attention. Lastly, the third level is the traditional local ethnicity.


1968 ◽  
Vol 67 (268) ◽  
pp. 265-266
Author(s):  
C. W. NEWBURY
Keyword(s):  

1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-54
Author(s):  
Robert A. Hall

In the 20 years before the Second World War the frontier war dragged to a close in remote parts of north Australia with the 1926 Daly River massacre and the 1928 Coniston massacre. There was a rapid decline in the Aboriginal population, giving rise to the idea of the ‘dying race’ which had found policy expression in the State ‘Protection’ Acts. Aboriginal and Islander labour was exploited under scandalous rates of pay and conditions in the struggling north Australian beef industry and the pearling industry. In south east Australia, Aborigines endured repressive white control on government reserves and mission stations described by some historians as being little better than prison farms. A largely ineffectual Aboriginal political movement with a myriad of organisations, none of which had a pan-Aboriginal identity, struggled to make headway against white prejudice. Finally, in 1939, John McEwen's ‘assimilation policy’ was introduced and, though doomed to failure, it at least recognised that Aborigines had a place in Australia in the long term.


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