ISSUES OF CONTINUITY AND A NEW COURSE IN UZBEKISTAN’S POLITICAL PROCESS

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 052-059
Author(s):  
Usmon Butaev

This article analyzes the problem of continuity and the new course in the policy of the second president of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. It demonstrates that the new course is certainly not a problem-free political process. Continuity and the new course entail dialectical issues, i.e., what should be adopted from the previous regime, what should be rejected, and what new proposals can be made. President Karimov had faced this question during the transition from the Soviet regime to an independent state. President Mirziyoyev encountered this challenge in an entirely different situation: the transition period is nearing completion and the new course is being determined. The complexity and somewhat contradictory nature of the formation and implementation of the new course is associated with a number of internal and external circumstances. Ultimately, the content and success of the new course will depend on the transformation of the type of the state itself and the mentality of the people.

1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shalom Kassan

It is now an established principle of modern international law, that there exists in every independent State but one body of law. This body of law is administered by all the courts alike over all persons and things within its territorial limits. These courts, within the limits of their respective jurisdictions, do not discriminate between the various inhabitants of the State. The origin, nationality or religion of the people who appear before the courts is not questioned, and is not of any importance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nahrowi Nahrowi ◽  
Masyrofah Masyrofah ◽  
Nurul Handayani

The implementation of democratic systems in several Muslim countries has obstacles. This is due to the development of people's thinking patterns about understanding democracy itself. Islam as a religion emphasizes the establishment of harmonious relations in the life of the state, but when applying the relationship of Islam and democracy in the life of the state does not necessarily be smooth at the level of practice. Ideally a country that runs a democratic system has a higher level of community participation in developing the country. But on the other hand, It faced with the reality of the problems in implementing democratization in the Islamic world. There are countries that are claimed to succeed as democratic countries, generally after going through a transition period of transfer of government power. But on the contrary, not a few countries that have not or are not ready to accept change as a process of democratization are actually trapped in the struggle for power and lead to conflict and violence. Therefore it is important to discuss about the challenges and obstacles of democratization in the Islamic world. With a normative-empirical approach, this article aims to analyze the problems of the democratization process in two Muslim countries, namely Indonesia and Egypt. This study found that the process of democratization as a part of legal politics system in Muslim countries must adapt to the culture and political conditions of each country. The challenges of the democratization process in Indonesia and Egypt, namely the media, ideology, natural resources, common vision and mission in developing the country, strong commitment from all components of the nation, political will of the head of state related to power sharing and strengthening dialogue with the people. While the obstacles are prolonged political, economic and social instability making it vulnerable to the emergence of conflict and violence, political, cultural and religious sectarianism, authoritarianism, internal and external conflicts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-116
Author(s):  
S. Fazal Daoud Firdausi

Tourism development in any region is influenced by political culture and processes. It is inherently linked to the policies, agenda, decisions, outcomes and the type of government responsible for shaping policies related to tourism. The paper tries to find out the impact of political culture on tourism development. It also aims to assess the role of political culture in influencing tourist motivation through the data collected from urban tourist centres of the Southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Mixed method, consisting qualitative interpretation as well as descriptive and inferential statistics has been used to draw conclusions. It has come out from the study that the political culture of Tamil Nadu state may be characterized as a mix of subject and participant culture, where latter dominates the former. It can be concluded that the people of the state have always participated in political process through voting and changing the regime from time to time. The study also indicates that most of the people of the state are aware of their political obligations and actively participate in social campaigns and civic life. It can be concluded that the existing political culture in the state has compelled the political elite to think and work for the development of the state, including tourism development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
Pierre-Olivier Monteil

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-104
Author(s):  
NURAINI NURAINI

The state of Indonesia embraces the sovereighty of the people or democracy. The people are the owners of the highest power in the state. The real power comes from the people, by people, and for the people. Even idealized power is held together with the people. Indonesia itself is also a country that adheres to the law. From the opinion of the exparts we can see that the state that follows the rule of law is always related to power. Where power is always limited by the laws that bind it. In other words the sphere of power is limited by the rules that are bound by the rules that have been composed and written and made by the agency that is authoorized to make it.The type of research used is normative juridical research. This study uses “ conceptual approach, legislation approach, and historical approach, in discussing the problems that exist in this research method is a way to perform analysis of data.Political power is the ability to use the source of influence to influence the process of making and executing political decisions so as to benefit itself, the group or society in general. Power is a gekala that always exist in the political process, in Indonesia law is a product of power (politics) so that the character of each legal product  will be determined or colored by consideration of force political configuration that gave birthday.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 253-257
Author(s):  
Mavluda Zulkandar kizi Ergasheva ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of views of enlightened thinkers on the state independence. At the beginning of the XX century, against the colonial oppression, the rule of the tyrannical system, encouraged the people to freedom and freedom, fought for the freedom of Motherland and national independence, the enlightened thinkers who died on this path have the irreplaceable civil courage and the restoration of the national independent state, mutual unity and cooperation, rich teachings on the need, legal democracy is as important in the realization of the noble goal as the construction of a state


Author(s):  
LWH Ackermann

Constitutional democracy recognises the ancient democratic principle that government of a country is based on and legitimated by the will and consent of the governed, which is determined by regular multi-party elections based on universal adult franchise. Constitutional democracy limits this principle by subjecting the democratically elected government and the will of the majority subject to a written constitution and the norms embodied in it. Such constitution is enshrined as the supreme law of the country in question. An almost universal feature of modern constitutionalism is a Bill of Rights that forms part of the Constitution and which is designed to protect and enforce individual rights principally, although not exclusively, against the state. Constitutionalism also embodies the principle of the separation of powers. A competent and independent judiciary, with the power to review all legislative and executive conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution, is regarded, almost universally, as the prime and most effective check on the legislative and executive branches of government. Recently it has come to be realised that for the truly effective and meaningful operation of constitutionalism, other independent state institutions are necessary. The collective objective of these institutions is to ensure that the Constitution in fact produces what it proclaims: that constitutionalism becomes a way of life in all institutional structures. The South African Constitution has clearly designated the judiciary as the prime upholder and enforcer of the Constitution. The Constitution has, however, gone further and makes provision for a variety of independent state institutions whose purpose is to "strengthen constitutional democracy in the Republic". Apart from these state institutions the Constitution also makes provision for other independent bodies designed to play an important checking and balancing role. The regular effective functioning of these institutions is vitally important for creating and sustaining an ethos of constitutionalism among the inhabitants of the Republic.The Constitution makes explicit provision for the protection of the judiciary and the other independent state institutions and thereby indirectly for the development of habits of constitutionalism. The constitutional protection and support given to the independent state institutions are very similar to that given to the courts. One important distinction is to be noted. In the case of the courts, the Constitution provides that they "are subject only to the Constitution and the law" and no provision is made for them to be accountable to any other organ of state or any other institution or person, for that matter. By contrast, the independent institutions envisaged in section 181 of the Constitution are expressly made accountable to the National Assembly and are obliged to report on their activities and the performance of their functions to the Assembly at least once a year. While the formal independence of state institutions may at all times be scrupulously recognised by the legislature and the executive, their substantive independence can easily be undermined by fiscal starvation and their ability to function properly impeded by bureaucratic administrative obstruction or obfuscation or even, quite innocently, by a lack of appreciation of what the Constitution demands from public administration in support of these institutions. Adequate financial and administrative resources are required to achieve aspects of judicial independence. All South Africans must still be vigilant to ensure, from the outset, that all state organs develop habits and practices of constitutionalism and that they do not, whether by omission, error, or otherwise endanger the independence of our independent state institutions by neglecting their constitutional obligations.For the Constitutional Court to fulfil its role as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution, it must be independent. Its members cannot be elected, because that would imply that the Court owed allegiance or were accountable to the political majority or other elector in question. On the other hand, it is seen as undemocratic for a body that is not elected to be in a position to overrule the expressed will of the political representatives of the majority. This paradox exists in respect of all our courts and makes the method of appointing judicial officers particularly important in order to ensure at the same time, and as far as this is practically possible, both their independence and their legitimacy. The judiciary is however not an arm of the state that has been exempted from all checks and balances. The checks and balances on the judiciary are not the same as in the case of the legislature and the executive. In the case of the latter the checks and balances are principally through the Constitution, as enforced by the courts, and through the political process. In the case of the courts these checks and balances cannot be through the political process, for this would undermine the independence of the judiciary. One of the reciprocal obligations that a constitutional democracy imposes on all its subjects, is to support the independent constitutional institutions, as constitutional institutions, not only vocally at the level of intellectual abstraction, but by actively working to establish the habits of consitutionalism in all societal structures and societal interaction.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


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