scholarly journals Polish Public Opinion on the United States Missile Defense Complex in Poland

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-41
Author(s):  
Justyna Lipińska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
The United States ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Implementation Phase ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Defense Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

The ongoing cooperation between the United States and Poland on ballistic missile defense has been centered for a long time solely around the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. Although the complex is going to operate as an element of the NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense System, its origins were tied to bilateral security and defense cooperation between the U.S. and Poland. As the presence of the U.S. military forces in Poland will remain crucial for Polish security and defense, and the societal support will be vital for its sustainment, it is worth exploring how Polish society reacted to concepts and plans for fielding the U.S. missile defense complex several years ago. The aim of this article was to explore the evolution of societal support and public opinion in Poland related to the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. The following research problem was posed: how has Polish public opinion about the missile defense complex construction changed over time? The research relied on methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and the primary research technique was the analysis of public opinion polls in Poland between 2004 and 2019. Public opinion has remained interested in the developments related to hosting the U.S. missile defense complex in Poland since early negotiations to the project implementation phase. The project was seen in a broader context of security and defense cooperation with the U.S. and within the NATO.

scholarly journals EUROPEAN MISSILE DEFENSE AS A NEW FORM OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION OF USA ON MISSILE DEFENSE

2013 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
E. A. Degtereva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Intermediate Step ◽  
Defense System ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Adaptive Approach ◽  
Defense Systems ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
The U.S

This article examines U.S. efforts to build a broad international coalition in the area of missile defense. The basic formats of military cooperation with foreign countries in the deployment of the U.S. global missile defense system are described, as well as the principles of cooperation on the part of the United States. A review of the regional missile defense systems created by the United States as an intermediate step on the way to a global missile defense system is provided. Particular emphasis is placed on the implementation of The Phased Adaptive Approach for Missile Defense in Europe (European Phased Adaptive Approach, EPAA) and the creation of Active Layered Theater Ballistic Missile Defense (ALTBMD). Specified milestones and activities under the program, as well as the practical difficulties faced by the U.S. and European countries to deploy missile defense in the context of the global economic crisis are analyzed.

The United States in the Global Economy

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-34
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Irwin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Trade ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Production Costs ◽  
Basic Facts ◽  
Fragmentation Of Production ◽  
The U.S

This chapter sets out basic facts about international trade and the U.S. economy. It describes how world trade has expanded rapidly in the recent decades and explains how the development provides the context in which to consider trade policy. The chapter discusses the reasons for the increase in trade and how trade has changed with the fragmentation of production and the increase in trade of intermediate goods. It talks about the state of public opinion on the question of globalization. It also analyzes protectionist policies that directly harm employment in domestic industries by raising production costs in addition to forcing consumers to pay higher price for the products they buy.

scholarly journals The US Anti-Missile Potential in Asia-Pacific

2019 ◽  
pp. 90-103
Author(s):  
Evgeny Zvedre
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ballistic Missile ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Defense System ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense

The USA considers missile potentials of Russia, China, Iran and North Korea as the main sources of threats to their national security. In the early 2000s following the withdrawal from the Soviet-American ABM Treaty the US began to deploy a global ballistic missile defense system to protect their “homeland, US forces abroad and its allies” from potential and real threats. The set of basic elements of a multi-layer ballistic missile defense is generally the same, its architecture is always adapted to the local conditions of the regions of deployment and specific tasks. Their common designation is the ability to work as subsystems within an integrated, global in scope antiballistic missile defense system controlled by the United States. In the Asia-Pacific region, the United States is actively engaging its regional allies Australia, South Korea and Japan in a joint effort to build-up ABM capabilities while simultaneously increasing its military-strategic presence in the region. Moscow strongly opposes the program considering it as potential threat to the effectiveness of the Russian strategic nuclear forces and undermining strategic stability and considers emergence the ballistic missile subsystems in Europe and the Asian-Pacific Region as a direct threat to its security. US ABM policy provokes the accelerated development by China and the DPRK of ballistic missile delivery systems, encourages Russia to create new weapon systems that are guaranteed to be able to overcome any existing and future missile defense.

The Decision to Deploy the ABM: Bureaucratic and Domestic Politics in the Johnson Administration

1972 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morton H. Halperin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Johnson Administration ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense

Why did the Johnson Administration decide in the late 1960's to deploy a ballistic missile defense system in the United States? In attempting to answer this question we need to seek an understanding of several distinct decisions and actions. The most puzzling event occurred in San Francisco on September 18, 1967, when Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara delivered an address to the editors and publishers of United Press International. McNamara devoted the first fourteen pages of his talk to a general discussion of the strategic arms race, emphasizing the limited utility of nuclear weapons and the fact that neither the United States nor the Soviet Union had gained any increased security from the arms race. With this as background, he turned to a specific discussion of the ABM issue

scholarly journals JAPAN � U.S. BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF �THE JOINT STATEMENT OF THE SECURITY CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE (SCC)� IN COUNTERING NORTH KOREA�S BALLISTIC MISSILES PROGRAM (2015-2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Febry Hadiaty ◽  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Consultative Committee ◽  
Joint Statement ◽  
Ballistic Missiles ◽  
Ballistic Missile Defense ◽  
Defense Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

Asia-Pacific (now also known as Indo-Pacific) region has a highly complex geopolitics and strategic environment with the fact that some political confrontation and conflicts still remain unsolved within the region. One of important issues in the region also includes North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. This program has become a rapid growing threat for both regional and global security. The lack of accountability on the program and erratic leadership of Kim Jong-Un have also projected threats for the United States and its allies, including Japan. The alliance between Washington and Tokyo has been able to become a remarkable resilient security partnership and has served as the cornerstone for the region�s stability. Both countries have conducted many defense cooperation in several areas, including for ballistic missiles defense cooperation. As one of the forms of the ballistic missiles defense cooperation between Japan and the U.S., the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) as the alliance�s primary defense forum produces joint statement which also highlights the ballistic missiles defense cooperation of Japan and the U.S. to counter North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. Therefore, this article analyzes the implementation of the joint statement of the SCC in deterring North Korea�s ballistic missiles program, particularly the joint statement in the period of 2015 to 2019. In analyzing that, this article uses qualitative method that relies on the primary and secondary resources found that Japan and the U.S. implemented their joint statement of the SCC by enhancing the capabilities of their ballistic missiles defense system.

scholarly journals The Relocation of the United States’ Embassy in Israel: Analysis of the Influence of Trump’s Nationalist Worldview and United States’ Domestic Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Yanuar Albertus ◽  
I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Driving Factor ◽  
Single Factor ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S

Penelitian ini ditujukan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Trump terkait pemindahan Kedutaan Besar Amerika Serikat (AS) di Israel dari Tel Aviv ke Yerusalem pada 6 Desember 2017. Kebijakan itu memicu berbagai kritik karena dunia menganggap pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem sebagai pelanggaran berbagai resolusi yang diadopsi oleh PBB. Terlepas dari kritik dunia, Trump masih bersikeras untuk memindahkan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem. Kebijakan ini berhasil dilaksanakan seiring dengan diresmikannya kantor Kedutaan Besar AS yang baru di Yerusalem pada 14 Mei 2018. Berangkat dari fenomena ini, penelitian ini membahas mengapa Trump tetap memindahkan Kedutaan Besar AS di Israel ke Yerusalem meskipun mendapat tentangan internasional. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan dua kerangka pemikiran, yaitu analisis worldview dan analisis politik domestik dalam pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri. Dari dua kerangka pemikiran ini, penulis berargumen bahwa pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS di Israel ke Yerusalem dipengaruhi oleh worldview Trump dan didukung oleh politik domestik AS yang melegitimasi kebijakan tersebut. Temuan dalam penelitian ini lantas mengonfirmasi argumen tersebut dengan data yang menunjukkan bahwa nationalist worldview yang dimiliki Trump menjadi faktor pendorong untuk pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem. Lebih lanjut, penelitian ini juga menunjukkan bahwa nationalist worldview bukanlah faktor tunggal dalam kebijakan Trump tersebut. Dalam kasus ini, kondisi politik domestik AS memberikan legitimasi bagi Trump untuk memindahkan kedutaan ke Yerusalem, yang di dalamnya mencakup opini publik yang pro-Israel, keberadaan Israel Lobby, serta adanya kepentingan Trump untuk memenuhi janji politiknya mengenai Yerusalem. Kata-kata Kunci: Yerusalem, Trump, Nationalist Worldview, Opini Publik, Israel Lobby, Janji Politik  This research analyzes Trump's foreign policy on the relocation of the United States (U.S.) Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, which was carried out on 6 December 2017. The policy triggered various criticisms as the world considered the movement as a violation of various resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Despite world criticism, Trump still insisted on moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. The policy was successfully implemented as the new embassy was established on 14 May 2018. Departing from this phenomenon, the author discusses why Trump continued to move the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem despite international opposition. To answer the question, the author uses two frameworks: the analysis of worldview and the analysis of domestic politics in foreign policymaking. From these two frameworks, the author then argues that the relocation of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem was influenced by Trump's worldview, and was supported by U.S. domestic politics, which legitimized the policy. The findings in this research strongly confirm the author's argument aforementioned as the data collected shows that Trump's nationalist worldview is a driving factor for the move of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. Furthermore, this study also shows that nationalist worldview is not a single factor in Trump's policy. In this case, the U.S. domestic politics also play a role by giving the legitimacy to move the embassy to Jerusalem, which included a pro-Israeli public opinion, the existence of an Israel Lobby, and Trump's interest in fulfilling his political promises regarding Jerusalem. Keywords: Jerusalem, Trump, Nationalist Worldview, Public Opinion, Israel Lobby, Political Promises

scholarly journals The Threat from European Missile Defence System to Russian National Security

2014 ◽  
pp. 54-63
Author(s):  
A. I. Podberezkin ◽  
J. Y. Parshkova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Financial Economic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Adaptive Approach ◽  
The Third ◽  
Strategic Stability ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The U.S

The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.

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