scholarly journals Членството на България в ЕС – предпоставка или предизвикателство за повишена конкурентоспособност на международния товарен автотранспорт

2020 ◽  
pp. 143-151

Bulgaria’s EU Membership – a Prerequisite or a Challenge to Increasing the Competitiveness of International Cargo Motor Transport The article studies Bulgaria’s cargo motor transport as the most dynamically developing transport in the country, following the economy changes in the 90s. Land automobile transport is the one that meets the requirements of Bulgarian economy the best after adopting the principles of market economy. The development of Bulgaria’s logistic potential also relies on motor transport. A short survey of the special characteristics of motor transport, which are a prerequisite for its preemptive development compared to other types of transport, is done. The motor transport services market is studied as a market structure according to the degree of competitiveness. The basic pricing factors are described and the influence of Bulgaria’s EU membership on them is analyzed. The effect of the EU membership is also traced in the basic parameters of motor transport – cargo flows, prices, delivery deadlines, company efficiency. The effect of these changes on the competitiveness of Bulgarian trade companies is also observed.

Author(s):  
Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Honours winner: Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot, Monash UniversityOver the past decades, the European Union has witnessed an increasing apathy among European citizens’ vis-à-vis EU institutions. In 1993, EU elites formally introduced the idea of a ‘European citizenship’ in an attempt on the one hand, to reactivate the European integration project, and, on the other hand, to foster greater consciousness of the European identity which the EU is supposed to represent. What opportunities and challenges would Turkey’s accession to EU membership have on our idea of ‘European citizenship’ and ‘identity’? An analysis on the current debate regarding Turkey’s possible accession in the EU raises significant questions on the EU’s identity and on the role of the EU in the international community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Constantinos Ikonomou

A long-term assessment of the EU integration process is attempted for the1971-2015 period, by comparing per capita Gross Domestic Product (in constant Purchasing Power Parities) and its change, for EU-15 and non-EU states that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. A growing divergence is found between Greece but also Portugal and the EU southern periphery on the one hand, and Luxembourg, Ireland and Scandinavian states on the other that have benefi ted from EU integration, especially after the Eurozone was formed. Those EU-15 members that have joined the Eurozone have not benefi ted as much as non-members. It is suggested that two types of states can be trapped by the integration process: The relative or absolute losers of the currency zone, like Greece and states like the UK that have benefi ted less from integration, while choosing to remain at an earlier integration stage. Given the mix of monetary and fi scal policies pursued, resolving the former problem will require setting-up a common production union to advance competitiveness and co-operation, while solution to the latter should avoid the risk of disintegration and of the permanent loss of EU membership.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-152
Author(s):  
Boban Stojanović ◽  
Milan Ranđelović ◽  
Vladan Vučić

Free and undisturbed competition, in terms of competing among the market participants to gain as much share as possible, is one of the cornerstones of the efficient functioning of a market economy, all with the aim of increasing social welfare. Due to the emergence and increase of numerous market anomalies, the market of perfect (complete) competition remains only a theoretically viable concept, while imperfect market structures and unequal market relations form are an economic reality. The market in some countries is developed as much as the competition. A competition must be encouraged and even protected with mechanisms and standards that are appropriate to the market economy. In this way the competition encourages an increase of market players performanses. In the process of accession of Serbia and other Western Balkan countries to the European Union one of the most sensitive and most complex economic problems is just related to the construction of a modern market structure. It is certain that the attitude towards the market and the development of competition should have a crucial role in the future economic development and the inclusion of these countries in trends on the single European market. In this sense it is a developed legal regulation which, on the one hand, encourages and helps to strengthen the competitiveness of enterprises in domestic and foreign markets, and on the other hand, with very rigorous sanctions discouraged and suppressing the creation of monopolies, effectively prevents all forms of distortion of competition, monopolistic tendencies (agreements), abuse of the dominant position in the market. The inherent aspiration to restrict competition in any way requires the establishment of an adequate legal and institutional framework. Forming an effective antitrust policy is a conditio sine qua non for the smooth operation of the "invisible hand" in the field of competition protection. Experience shows that in the transition countries the most complex issue is related to the construction of a competetive market structure in a function of ensuring an intense and effective competition between economic entities. Antitrust legislation is therefore particularly important in small open economies that are in pressure of globalization and local state and private monopolies. Among these countries are the Western Balkan states, which are the subject of the research of authors in this paper. Experience shows, and the current practice in Serbia fully confirm that just in the domain of creating the competitive market conditions show considerable resistance. Paper points out the shortcomings and the possible increase in the degree of efficiency of antitrust legislation in the Western Balkan countries.


Author(s):  
Anna Małgorzta Niżnik

International economic integration, or globalisation, has a long history, dating from the Medieval period; the establishment and later extension of the European Union is part of this process. It is argued that EU membership has brought undoubted advantages, such as support for agriculture and for regions of high unemployment, and the removal of tariffs against Polish goods, but the huge changes experienced by Poland date from the introduction of the market economy in 1989, not from EU membership. The market economy is synonymous with globalisation, which is so powerful that countries are forced to adapt to it, and make changes within this framework. There have been changes since 2004, the most important of which is mass emigration to the UK, Ireland, Germany and Spain, but it is thought that this movement is only short-term, since most Poles intend to return to Poland, having accumulated capital. It is too soon to be able to establish the full impact of EU membership. It seems that a much longer period must be allowed to elapse before it is possible to assess the value of EU membership to Poland. But in any case, it is clear that Poland has become part of the globalisation and economic integration process – something that will be emphasised owing to membership of the EU.


Author(s):  
Robert Csehi

Hungary became a member of the European Union (EU) alongside nine other, mainly East-Central European (ECE) countries in 2004. Although Hungary was one of the leading candidates from the former Soviet bloc to join the EU after the transition in 1989–1990, this positive view and the advantage that the country enjoyed seemed to gradually disappear by the mid-2000s. Hungarian experience with the EU is quite ambivalent. Economically speaking, on the one hand there is a slow but steady convergence to the EU average, which is largely due to the net beneficiary status of the country within the Community, and employment levels have increased considerably. On the other hand, the Country-Specific Recommendations (CSRs) point to shortcomings related to competitiveness, and labor productivity, which indicate some missed opportunities. Similarly, although budgetary deficit and public debt have been under control lately, sustainability concerns still remain. Additionally, even though the country’s prospects to join the common currency area are quite promising, political willingness is still lacking to make a lasting commitment to the Euro. While the socio-economic expectations of EU membership before accession were quite high and rather unrealistic, although economic growth decreased the level of overall poverty, socioeconomic inequalities have increased lately because of government policies. As far as politics is concerned, even the consensus of the political elite to support liberal democracy as a political system and further integration of the EU as a policy strategy have been questioned by the main governing party lately. Instead, a more Eurosceptic tone and an incremental democratic decline characterizes everyday politics, which has led to recurring criticism within the Community, and the eventual triggering of an Article 7 Procedure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 799-814
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Martinico ◽  
Marta Simoncini

AbstractOn 10 December 2018, the Court of Justice (CJEU) delivered the Wightman judgment and recognized the unilateral revocability of the notification ex Art. 50 Treaty on European Union (TEU). This article offers a critical analysis of the decision by insisting above all on the national background of the ruling and the political risks stemming from the decision. The article is structured as follows. Firstly, it analyses the legal questions of the Scottish case, which constituted the ground for the admissibility of the preliminary ruling and showed the perils for the exercise of national sovereign rights embedded in the lack of clarity on revocation options. It thus reconstructs the critical aspects of the preliminary ruling of the CJEU. Subsequently, the article examines the implications of the ruling for the EU legal order. On the one hand, the analysis considers the conception of the EU membership by comparing the approach of the CJEU and that of Advocate General Campos Sánchez Bordona in Wightman.


Author(s):  
Lubos SMUTKA ◽  
Irena BENEŠOVÁ ◽  
Patrik ROVNÝ ◽  
Renata MATYSIK-PEJAS

Sugar is one of the most important elements in human nutrition. The Common Market Organisation for sugar has been a subject of considerable debate since its establishment in 1968. The European agricultural market has been criticized for its heavy regulations and subsidization. The sugar market is one of the most regulated ones; however, this will change radically in 2017 when the current system of production quotas will end. The current EU sugar market changed is structure during the last several decades. The significant number of companies left the market and EU internal sugar market became more concentrated. The aim of this paper is presentation characteristics of sugar market with respect to the supposed market failure – reduction in competition. The analysis also identifies the main drivers and determinants of the EU especially quota sugar market. In relation to paper’s aim the following results are important. The present conditions of the European sugar market have led to market failure when nearly 75 % (10 million tonnes) of the quota is controlled by five multinational companies only. These multinational alliances (especially German and French one) are also taking control over the production capacities of their subsidiaries. In most countries, this causes serious problems as the given quota is controlled by one or two producers only. This is a significant indicator of market imperfection. The quota system cannot overcome the problem of production quotas on the one hand and the demand on the other; furthermore, it also leads to economic inefficiency. The current EU sugar market is under the control of only Sudzucker, Nordzucker, Pfeifer and Langen, Tereos and ABF.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Eva Eckert ◽  
Oleksandra Kovalevska

In the European Union, the concern for sustainability has been legitimized by its politically and ecologically motivated discourse disseminated through recent policies of the European Commission and the local as well as international media. In the article, we question the very meaning of sustainability and examine the European Green Deal, the major political document issued by the EC in 2019. The main question pursued in the study is whether expectations verbalized in the Green Deal’s plans, programs, strategies, and developments hold up to the scrutiny of critical discourse analysis. We compare the Green Deal’s treatment of sustainability to how sustainability is presented in environmental and social science scholarship and point out that research, on the one hand, and the politically motivated discourse, on the other, do not correlate and often actually contradict each other. We conclude that sustainability discourse and its keywords, lexicon, and phraseology have become a channel through which political institutions in the EU such as the European Commission sideline crucial environmental issues and endorse their own presence. The Green Deal discourse shapes political and institutional power of the Commission and the EU.


Author(s):  
Vanda Almeida ◽  
Salvador Barrios ◽  
Michael Christl ◽  
Silvia De Poli ◽  
Alberto Tumino ◽  
...  

AbstractThis analysis makes use of economic forecasts for 2020 issued by the European Commission in Autumn 2019 and Spring 2020, and of a counterfactual under a no-policy change assumption, to analyse the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on EU households´ income. Additionally, our analysis assesses the cushioning effect of discretionary fiscal policy measures taken by the EU Member States. We find that the COVID-19 pandemic is likely to affect significantly households’ disposable income in the EU, with lower income households being more severely hit. However, our results show that due to policy intervention, the impact of the crisis is expected to be similar to the one experienced during the 2008–2009 financial crisis. In detail, our results indicate that discretionary fiscal policy measures will play a significant cushioning role, reducing the size of the income loss (from −9.3% to −4.3% for the average equivalised disposable income), its regressivity and mitigating the poverty impact of the pandemic. We conclude that policy interventions are therefore instrumental in cushioning against the impact of the crisis on inequality and poverty.


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