scholarly journals Sovereignty and Economy According to Montchrestien and Cantillon

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-32
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
Classical Notion ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
First Time ◽  
Two Sides

The political constitution of markets is promoted by Montchrestien whereas, on the contrary, the absolute autonomy of the sphere of exchange is favoured by Cantillon. Yet, this article seeks to demonstrate that both authors also participate in the emergence of a modern way of thinking about the economy. In both cases, we find the idea that the sphere of exchange acquires an autonomy which requires the application of a specific science. In the case of Cantillon, this autonomy is absolute and anticipates the foundations of contemporary economics. On the other hand, Montchrestien’s work forms part of a “political economy”. This article also aims to show that the mercantilism attributed to Montchrestien in no way implies that, in principle, the economy when theorised as such is a simple transposition of a war-like model. Similarly, it will seek to show that Cantillon, a supposed mercantilist, does not suggest that state intervention is futile, even if he adheres to the fundamental principles of economic liberalism. This modernity has two sides, represented by these texts which present economics as a science for the first time. It will be suggested that it allows us to call into question the postmodern theses which imagine a contemporary economic world in which the classical notion of sovereignty is totally absent.

scholarly journals Die Grenze der Werttheorie

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (191) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingo Stützle
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Value Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Monopoly Price ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
David Ricardo

Not only Marx found the “theory of the ground rent” a hard nut to crack. The political- economic and urban sociological debates also find it a challenge - or simply assume that the ground rent is a monopoly price without giving an account of what this means for Marx’s project of critique of political economy. The so-called differential pension is still unproblematic and goes back to David Ricardo. On the other hand, the so-called absolute rent, with which Marx wanted to theoretically distance himself from Ricardo, is problematic and untenable. The article discusses three essential points of criticism of the concept and what it means conceptually and politically for Marxian value theory when it reaches its limits on the topic of the absolute rent.

scholarly journals Elementi di Economia del Turismo

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Magliulo
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand

Tourism is destined to become one of the most significant socio-economic phenomena of the coming years. But it is a complex and elusive activity, which is difficult to circumscribe and measure. The relevance and complexity of the phenomenon have generated a new discipline – the economics of tourism – and many valuable textbooks. So why do we need another textbook? Perhaps because there is still a gap. The textbooks on the economics of tourism assume that the student already knows the basics of political economy, and describe the manifold dimensions of the tourist phenomenon in depth and detail. On the other hand, the political economy textbooks don't mention the tourist sector at all, and pursue an (apparently) abstract and excessively theoretical approach. Thus the student risks finding himself in a strange paradox: when he studies political economy he does not grasp the utility to be derived from that knowledge, and when he moves on to the economics of tourism he is faced by a hiatus, a chasm that is too wide. This book is designed as a little bridge, a walkway leading from political economy to the economics of tourism. Having forded the stream, the student should be able to freely clamber up the paths of the economics of tourism.

scholarly journals The Ideological Transformation of the PKK regarding the Political Economy of the Kurdish Region in Turkey

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Güllistan Yarkın
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Food Sovereignty ◽  
State Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The World ◽  
Classless Society ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The One

When founded in 1978, the PKK defined itself as a socialist movement aiming to create a classless society through the formation of a new state-power. In the 1990s, the ideology of the PKK began to change and this transformation became apparent in the 2000s. The PKK has since completely abandoned its statist Marxist-Leninist national liberationist ideology, and has instead proposed to build “democratic modernity” through the creation of an anti-capitalist, anti-industrialist, women emancipatory and ecologist “democratic confederalism” framework. This project defines the ecologist-rural communes grounded on food sovereignty as its basic economic units. This article argues that the transformation of the PKK’s goals on the political economy of the Kurdish region is shaped by, on the one hand, the world systemic and internal restraints acting upon the PKK, and on the other hand, the ideological responses of the PKK to those restraints.Keywords: The PKK; Abdullah Öcalan; democratic modernity; democratic confederalism; anti-capitalist movements.Guherîna îdeolojîk di PKKyê de û aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî li TirkiyeyêGava di sala 1978an de hate damezrandin, PKKyê xwe wek hereketeke sosyalîst pênase kiribû û armanca xwe wisa danîbû ku civakeke bêçîn durist bike bi rêya avakirina desthilata dewleteke nû. Di salên 1990an de îdeolojiya PKKyê dest bi guherînê kir û di salên 2000an de ev guherîn pir aşkera bû. Ji hingê ve, PKKyê bi temamî dest ji îdeolojiya xwe ya Marksî-Lenînî ya azadiya neteweyî kêşaye, li batî wê, ragihandiye ku dixwaze “modernîteya demokratîk” ava bike bi rêya duristkirina çarçoveyeke “konfederaliya demokratîk” a dij-sermayedarî, dij-endûstrîgerî, jin-rizgarkerane û ekolojîk. Di vê projeyê de yekeyên aborî yên esasî ew komûnên ekolojîst-gundî ne ku li ser serbixweyiya xwe ya xurekî pêk hatine (anku ji bo bidestxistina xureka xwe ne muhtacê derve ne). Ev gotar diyar dike ku guherînên di armancên PKKyê yên li ser aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî, ji aliyekê ve, ji ber wan zext û berbest û mehdûdiyetên sîstemî yên global û navxweyî pêk hatine ku kar di PKKyê dikin, ji aliyê dî ve, ji ber bersivên îdeolojîk ên PKKyê ne bo wan berbest û mehdûdiyetan.

Introduction: Rereading Capital

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Clare Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Capitalist Mode ◽  
First Time ◽  
Mode Of Production

This book examines Karl Marx's critique of capitalism by rereading his Capital as political theory. It considers Capital's ambition to lay bare, for the first time, the inner workings of the capitalist mode of production and the political economy that analyzes it. It argues that, in Capital, Marx had a grand aspiration—to write the definitive analysis of what is wrong with the rule of capital—and that he modeled this aspiration on a grand literary framework: rewriting Dante's Inferno as a descent into the modern “social Hell” of the capitalist mode of production. The book also contends that Capital is best read as a critical reconstruction of and rejoinder to the other versions of socialism and popular radicalism that predominated in France and England in the 1860s and 1870s. This chapter provides an overview of the book's argument.

The Political Economy of Empire

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-220
Author(s):  
John Haldon
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Cultural Geography ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Imperial Capital ◽  
Key Features ◽  
The One ◽  
And Control

Empires are both simple and complex, since on the one hand they are broadly identifiable through a small number of key elements in common, yet on the other hand, no single “version” of empire exists. The political economy of traditional empires can be approached through certain key features, even if their forms and their “cultural geography” vary widely—in particular, the acquisition of and control over resources, and the closely associated issue of how rulers or governments maintain control over those who manage resources on their behalf. Understanding these entails analysis of many other features, including the ways in which central and local elites were formed or transformed and the ways in which identities and loyalties evolved or were created, compromised, or transformed to generate what we might call “imperial capital” (in kind and in ideas). Their importance is crucial to understanding how empires rise, reproduce themselves, and fail or transform.

Moderne Ikonen

2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-143
Author(s):  
Bernadette Collenberg-Plotnikov
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
Visual Experience ◽  
Modern Art ◽  
The Other ◽  
Recent Discussion ◽  
Christian Church ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Modern Mass

›Ikonen‹ sind heute nicht mehr nur die Ikonen der christlichen Kirche, sondern vor allem die Ikonen der modernen Massenkultur. Beide Arten von Ikonen werden in der neueren Kunstreflexion aufgegriffen: Kunst gilt entweder, verstanden als Erbin der religiösen Ikone, als Phänomen, das Absolutes in singulärer Weise anschaulich er- fahrbar macht. Oder aber die Kunst gilt umgekehrt lediglich als Klasse in der Welt der säkularen Ikonen. Demgegenüber wird im Beitrag erstens die These vertretenwerden, daß die neuere Kunst sowohl Aspekte transzendenter als auch immanenter Ikonen umfaßt. Zugleich ist es aber, so die zweite These, für unser Kunstverständnis charakteristisch, ein theoretisches Kontrastverhältnis zwischen Kunst und Ikone an- zunehmen. Dieses gründet auf einer spezifischen Reflexivität der Kunst, durch die sie sich von der Ikone beiderlei Art kategorial unterscheidet. Today, the word ›icon‹ usually no longer refers to the icons of the Christian church, but to the icons of the modern mass-culture. Both sorts of icons play a key-role in the recent discussion about art: Either art is supposed to be a descendant of the religious icon, a phenomenon that gives us a singular visual experience of the Absolute. On the other hand, art is supposed to be just one class among others in the wide world of the secular icons. In contrast to these two positions this essay contends that modern art comprehends aspects of transcendent as well as of immanent icons. Furthermore, it argues that at the same time it is characteristic for our notion of art to suppose a contrast between art and icon. This contrast is based on a specific reflectivity of art, which marks a categorical difference between art and both sorts of icons.

A Nabatean port on the Red Sea: note on the pottery finds from al-Qusayr (al-Wajh, Saudi Arabia)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Durand
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Red Sea ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Roman Egypt ◽  
Pottery Sherds ◽  
First Time

Al-Qusayr is located 40 km south of modern al-Wajh, roughly 7 km from the eastern Red Sea shore. This site is known since the mid-19th century, when the explorer R. Burton described it for the first time, in particular the remains of a monumental building so-called al-Qasr. In March 2016, a new survey of the site was undertaken by the al-‘Ula–al-Wajh Survey Project. This survey focused not only on al-Qasr but also on the surrounding site corresponding to the ancient settlement. A surface collection of pottery sherds revealed a striking combination of Mediterranean and Egyptian imports on one hand, and of Nabataean productions on the other hand. This material is particularly homogeneous on the chronological point of view, suggesting a rather limited occupation period for the site. Attesting contacts between Mediterranean merchants, Roman Egypt and the Nabataean kingdom, these new data allow a complete reassessment of the importance of this locality in the Red Sea trade routes during antiquity.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Nicaraguan Revolution ◽  
Clear Majority

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

Coleridge's “ideal Realism”: an alternative to the “doctors of the Absolute”?

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Mary Anne Perkins
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Samuel Taylor Coleridge ◽  
The Political ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
Magnum Opus ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
First Time

A few months ago I read Peter Nicholson's The Political Philosophy of the British Idealists for the first time. In the index I found more than a hundred references to Hegel and only one to Samuel Taylor Coleridge. However, as many of the latter's writings, published for the first time in recent years, become generally accessible there is an increasing sense that he has been unfairly deprived of his due status as a philosopher. This is partly, no doubt, the syndrome of the prophet in his own country and partly the inevitable consequence of much of his later work remaining unpublished until recent years. Coleridge himself, with what some would take to be confirmation of an over-sensitivity to criticism, felt the neglect of his work went deeper and betrayed an anti-philosophical trait in British character. Despite his close reading of the work of many of his German contemporaries it seems that he did not read more than sixtyone pages of Hegel's Wissenschaft der Logik. His margin notes to this work are, on the whole, negative in their criticism. However, despite significant disagreements, there is much common ground in theme, argument and conclusion between his many drafts of the ‘Logosophia’, his intended magnum opus, and Hegel's system.

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