scholarly journals Political and Economic Integration of the Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkish Republics into the Global World

Author(s):  
Özlem Arzu Azer

With the dissolution of Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics’ central planned economy transformed into free market economy and structural reforms were made as parallel of this development. These former socialist countries have some diffficulties to adopt capitalism due to absence of some fundamental feautures of capitalism and inheritance of Soviet Union. Ending big threat of communism, the jeo-strategical importance of the region increased for the West because these countries own the oil and gas resources besides they are starting point or transit country of the energy pipelines. However, these transition countries could not develop economically and poverty became the major problem for most of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics. As economic problems lead weakness of governance, ethnical conflicts and border conflicts threat these new independent countries. The region seems in the center of war for power due to rich natural resources and pipelines as well as the connection point to Afghanistan and being the exit to the Black Sea. This paper seeks economic situations of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics which jeo-strategical importance increased due to natural resources and geographic location during Post Cold-War era. This work is based on statistical data provided by United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database (COMTRADE), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), covering the period of 1990-2008 and contains Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan.

Author(s):  
Özlem Arzu Azer

After the dissolution of Soviet Union, the geo-strategical importance of Caucasia, the Central Asia and the Black Sea region increased fastly. This transition period had been difficult while central planned economies had transformed into free market economies and meet capitalism. Geo-strategic importance of the region increased for the West and Russia as well as some countries as China due to the oil and gas resources besides being transit countries of the energy pipelines. The Central Asia, Caucasia and the Black Sea Region had been so important because the region owns rich natural resources and pipelines as well as being a door to Afghanistan and the exit to the Black Sea. During Post Cold-War era, the region became a chess table for imperial countries. While USA and Russia had been playing hegemony game in this region, some other countries as China had been investing silently in important areas. The investments of China in the region are actually so invincible. In this paper, it will be analysed the investments of China in this region and its economically and political interest in Caucasia and the Central Asia.


2017 ◽  
pp. 127-138
Author(s):  
Francisco Gómez Martos

Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a “new Grand Game” to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese “globalization without democracy” model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-541
Author(s):  
W. Andy Knight

AbstractThe end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for the United Nations to play a greater role in international security than it was allowed to play in the midst of the ideological conflict between the United States and the former Soviet Union. However, the expected "peace dividend" never materialized in the post-Cold War period. Instead, a number of civil conflicts erupted and new threats to security, particularly to human security, emerged. This chapter critically examines the evolution of the UN's role in addressing international security problems since 1945, including global terrorism. It also outlines recent attempts by the world body, through extension of its reach beyond the territorial constraints of sovereignty, to build sustained peace through preventive measures and protect human security globally.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-316
Author(s):  
Sven Gunnar Simonsen

The Soviet military officer's motto was “I serve the Soviet Union.” He had taken an oath to a state whose leadership constantly stressed the ethnic diversity of its population. When the USSR fell apart, however, only one of its 15 successor states—the Russian Federation—did not declare itself the homeland of one specific ethnic group. The reality of the divorce was difficult to grasp for many people in the former Soviet Union. In Russia, ideas of democracy and hopes for the future of the RSFSR as an independent state were standing strong. Not all the newly independent states would be missed; the Central Asian republics were widely seen as a culturally distant periphery tapping the RSFSR of resources. However, shedding off Kazakhstan, Belarus, and above all, Ukraine was a completely different story.


Author(s):  
Fikret Dülger ◽  
Kenan Lopcu ◽  
Almıla Burgaç ◽  
Esra Ballı

“Dutch Disease” phenomenon is defined as the increase in the price of natural resources, such as oil and natural gas, which causes the appreciation of the real exchange rate and leads to the decline of manufacturing and ultimately to increases in service prices. Since the 1980s there has been a great body of “Dutch Disease” empirical literature, and as a natural resource-rich country Russia is a good case for the exploration of this phenomenon. The Russian economy experienced some difficulties after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the adaptation to a free market economy model. In the process of moving towards a free market economy, Russia failed to diversify its economic structure despite increases in natural resource revenues. In the last decades, while the share of natural resources in export revenues has significantly increased, the share of manufacturing output has decreased. According to the United Nations Development Program Russia report 2009, increases in energy income have resulted in the decline of other sectors of the Russian economy. Furthermore, the report claims that these indicators may trigger a recession in the Russian economy in the future. In fact, in recent years the Russian economy has exhibited some typical symptoms of “Dutch Disease” along with increases in oil prices accompanied by a reduction in the share of manufacturing output and an increase in service prices. Using Gregory Hansen cointegration method, this paper finds that Russia is in fact might be suffering from the “Dutch Disease” in the post Soviet Union-era.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-213
Author(s):  
Mikhail A. Alexseev

The collapse of communism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was accompanied by ethnopolitical conflicts that erupted “with unusual cruelty and violence” but without much warning and were soon recognized as a major threat to peace, security, and development in the post-Cold War era. Can one be alerted to the Nagorno-Karabakhs, Bosnias, Rwandas, and Tajikistans of the world—in time to take decisive preventive action?


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEE JI- EON ◽  
◽  
YOO NA-YEON ◽  

One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-140

The year 1991 proved to be crucial for the Soviet republics, including for Moldova, and in result of incremental democratic transformations and the collapse of the USSR, the Republic of Moldova became an independent state. The year 1991 was the common starting point of independence for most of Soviet Union republics. After the events of August 1991, most of the world believed that the collapse of the Soviet Union meant a departure from the totalitarian past for the former Soviet territories, but the reality proved to be different for most of the former Soviet republics. However, the transition from a totalitarian to a democratic regime proved to be different for each postSoviet state. If the 1989 year is considered the annus mirabilis or the collapse of a utopia, then the year 1991 is the beginning of the post-Cold War era. This paper highlights the most important events of the year 1991 and their impact on the Moldovan society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 014-024
Author(s):  
Sergey Zhiltsov

The highly favorable geographic location and rich natural resources are the main attractions of post-Soviet Central Asia. After the disintegration of the U.S.S.R, it became clear that different actors operated differently in this strategically important region. This area occupied different places in their strategies, and their goals were realized using different instruments. Regional disunity (Central Asian states then failed to tune up multilateral cooperation) brought grist to the mill of extra-regional players. Mutual political claims and personal ambitions of the regional leaders made it hard or even impossible to initiate common regional projects. Local contradictions in the water and energy sphere became a serious obstacle on the road towards political interaction when dealing with regional problems, environmental protection being one of them. In short, at that time, Central Asian countries did not yet master the art of pushing aside disagreements and problems for the sake of positive actions. Extra-regional actors capitalized on this fact without reservations. The U.S., the EU, Russia, China, India, Japan, and Turkey proceeded from their long-term interests when they tried to impose their political agenda on the local states and draw them into the sphere of their economic interests. Apparently, they preferred bilateral agreements with each of the Central Asian states, since their importance for each of the external players depended on their economic development, geopolitical significance and natural resources that they possessed. In recent years, the extra-regional states have revised and readjusted their Central Asian politics. Today, they prefer multilateral relations; in some cases, this format has been used for a long time, while other extra-regional countries have only recently employed the “5 + an extra-regional actor” format. Turkey and Japan are two leaders in this respect: they were the first to suggest this format, and others followed suit. Many countries limit their multilateral formats to the foreign minister level and, therefore, to declarations and joint statements. Regional states prefer this format, which allows them to balance out external players and address their own problems. Predictably, Central Asian countries are ready to be involved in multilateral formats.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Olga TIMAKOVA

The Soviet Union has disappeared from the maps of the world, leaving the EU a chance to participate in the political processes unfolding in Central Asia, even if the vast spaces between them limited Brussels’ involvement in regional policies. This explains the European Commission’s succinct definition: “a bridge to China, as well as to Afghanistan and the Middle East” and “a source of significant energy imports for the EU.” For the same reason, Central Asia remains outside the European neighborhood policy; in defiance of the Treaty of Lisbon, its members prefer to act independently on the international arena: their interest in Central Asia and, therefore, their contributions to the common EU policy in the region differ vastly. Following the signing of partnership and cooperation agreements with the Central Asian states, the EU became one of their important trade partners and key investors. As such, Brussels pays particular attention to democracy, human rights and civil society in all the regional countries and cooperates with them in the security sphere. Destabilization in Afghanistan has forced border security issues into the focus of corresponding programs and initiatives realized by the EU. Their growing dependence on external sources of energy and an absence of guaranteed supplies stir up concerns in the EU member-states and in Brussels and breed hopes that Central Asia, with its considerable hydrocarbon resources and advantageous geographic location, may play an important role in energy supplies. So far, EU policy in Central Asia leaves much to be desired, while the results of the projects it had initiated in the region are clearly contradictory. Brussels has achieved a lot in diplomatic relations with the local states, which allowed it to expand its trade and economic cooperation and develop political coordination. However, its achievements in many other spheres (human rights, counteracting corruption and economic diversification) are not particularly impressive. The worsening situation in Afghanistan will generate migration flows to the Central Asian countries and the European Union. Another migration crisis cannot be ruled out.


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