The Three Seas Initiative: Geopolitical Determinants and Polish Interests

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
George Soroka ◽  
Tomasz Stępniewski

Since 2015, Polish foreign policy has witnessed a gradual rise in the significance of regional cooperation, as reflected in its enthusiasm for the Three Seas Initiative (TSI)1. The Initiative constitutes an in statu nascendi undertaking, one which aims to consolidate cooperation among states located in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. (In Poland, a popular acronym to denote the project is the “ABC initiative,” which reflects the Polish names of these bodies of water [i.e., Adriatyk, Bałtyk, Czarne]. However, itmust be emphasized that the member states of the TSI do not operate invacuum, but rather within a broader institutional framework that includes the European Union, the Central European Initiative, and the Visegrád Group. This paper begins by outlining the prospective geopolitical determinants that will determine the success or failure of the TSI, with particular attention paid to issues of regional security. It concludes by analysing how the Initiative may become a new model for regional cooperation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

The article provides an overview of the evolution of the idea of The Three Seas from its beginnings till the 2021 summit. According to the author, one of the impulses to its creation was the global confrontation that arose after the events of 2014 in Ukraine. This is felt notwithstanding the fact that this country is not yet a member of the project that celebrated its fifth anniversary in 2021. Today, this idea of uniting States in the space from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic Seas, as well as when it originated, is actively supported by USA. In addition, the author shows how the attitude towards this program on the part of Germany and the European Union has changed significantly over the past six years. In fact, during this time, from Poland's attempt to realize its historical Central European ambitions, the initiative has transformed into a prototype of a new Central Europe, as an integral part of the Transatlantic community. In addition to the stages of development, the author examines the problem of the functionality of the new association, as well as its competitiveness with other regional entities, such as the Visegrad Group, the Central European Initiative, Slavkov Interaction, Chinese 17+1 initiative, etc. As a result, she comes to the conclusion that each of these structures, being an expression of the historical desire of the peoples of the region for rapprochement and finding a new role in Europe and the World, plays its own party and can compensate for the others, depending on the world situation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 46-62
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kudzin-Borkowska

W artykule podjęto problematykę cyberbezpieczeństwa w Grupie Wyszehradzkiej. Mimo że w nauce pojawia się wiele terminów dotyczących bezpieczeństwa informacyjnego, jednak w ostatnich latach w dokumentach strategicznych dominuje kategoria pojęciowa „cyberbezpieczeństwo”. W Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Cybernetycznego Unii Europejskiej z 7 marca 2013 r. stwierdza się, że bezpieczeństwo cybernetyczne odnosi się do zabezpieczeń i działań, które mogą być wykorzystywane do ochrony domeny cybernetycznej, zarówno cywilnej, jak i wojskowej, przed tymi zagrożeniami, które dotyczą jej współzależnych sieci i infrastruktury informatycznej oraz które mogą te sieci oraz tę infrastrukturę uszkodzić. Państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wypracowały swoje własne strategie cyberbezpieczeństwa na podstawie światowych wzorców w tej dziedzinie. W tych dokumentach deklarują wprawdzie gotowość współpracy międzynarodowej, także środkowoeuropejskiej, jednak widać, że każde z nich ma ambicje odgrywania roli środkowoeuropejskiego lidera. Cybersecurity in the Visegrad Group – concepts and strategies The article discusses the issues of cybersecurity in the Visegrad Group. There is a wide spectrum of information security terminology, but the conceptual category of cybersecurity has dominated strategic documents in recent years. The European Union Cyber Security Strategy of 7, March 2013, claims that cybersecurity commonly refers to the safeguards and actions that can be used to protect the cyber domain, both in the civilian and military fields, from those threats that are associated with or that may harm its interdependent networks and information infrastructure. The Visegrad Group countries have developed their own cybersecurity strategies based on global models in this field. However, in these strategic documents they declare readiness for broad international cooperation, including Central European, it can be seen that each of them strives to play the role of a leader in Central Europe.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Gänzle ◽  
Dominic Stead ◽  
Franziska Sielker ◽  
Tobias Chilla

Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance architectures for cross-sectoral and trans-boundary policy coordination in areas such as transport infrastructure and environmental protection, macro-regional strategies seek to mobilise European Union member and non-member states alike in promoting and harmonising territorial and trans-governmental cooperation. Both the macro-regional strategies and the macro-regions themselves have been met with increasing interest across several disciplines, including geography, regional planning, political science and public administration, triggering questions and debates on issues such as their impacts on existing practices of territorial cooperation and their relation to previously established forms of regional cooperation. Authored by scholars based in the above-mentioned fields of study, this contribution seeks to take stock of research on the subject to date, reflect on conceptual starting points and highlight new directions for future research in the political sciences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martyna Wilmanowicz-Słupczewska ◽  
Maciej Serowaniec ◽  
Jacek Wantoch-Rekowski

Abstract The Visegrad Group is a regional form of cooperation of four Central European states, i.e. Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. The above states have been members of the European Union since 2004. What is more, the Visegrad Group is recognized as an alliance and forum for exchanging experiences and developing common positions on matters of particular importance for the future of the region and the European Union. The constitutional provisions of the Visegrad Group states regarding the legal and constitutional status of a central bank were analysed and compared on the basis of analogies and differences. Importantly, today central banks play a significant role in the socio-economic and political system of a state. In particular, the article contains an innovative approach to the subject by comparing the subject matter from the perspective of constitutional regulations. The considerations are based on both the literature of scientific representatives and constitutional regulations, creating a complete and original presentation of the issue.


Baltic Region ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-152
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Palmowski

The sea and inland hinterland of Baltic Europe form a unique macro-regional unit. Strong collaboration links, and competition in the Baltic Sea region, are an inherent feature of the region from the beginning of its civilization development. Since 2004, the Baltic Sea has become an internal sea of the European Union. This fact no doubt strengthened the cooperation of the countries in the region. In many spheres, these ties take the form of networking. The EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is an important stimulus for further integrations. The objective of the article is to identify changing trends and the structural transformation in the Baltic integration process instigated by the implementation of this strategy. The document contains common goals, which strengthen cooperation and draw on the Baltic Sea potential. Three main pillars are outlined in the Strategy: marine protection, better interconnection of the region and growing prosperity. The essence of cooperation involves joint development plans on various levels: governmental, regional and local with the participation of research institutions, regional cooperation infrastructure, operational programmes, as well as the private sector. Political stabilisation and economic development may transform, in a longer time span, the emerging transnational Baltic Europe into a new economic and cultural European centre. The choice of research methodology applied in the study derives from the nature of collected data, i.e. literature regarding scientific accomplishments in the Baltic cooperation, analysis of working documents and reports drawn up by public institutions, the European Commission, and EU national and regional strategic documents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Liubov N. Shishelina ◽  

In this chapter, the author analyzes the evolution of the Central European / Visegrad idea, its role in the formation of an intellectual opposition, the implementation of reforms, and the current authority of the Visegrad Group within the European Union and beyond. Three decades after the “Velvet” revolutions, the Visegrad Group has proven itself the most successful project of Central European transformation. An important role in this was played by the almost complete mutual understanding between the politicians behind the first wave of transformations, who were leading Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic at the most important stages of the formation of the Visegrad Group. The European Union's road map for transformation has also contributed to this. The Visegrad Group, while not without problems, has fulfilled its historical mission. It has managed to realise the centuries-long dream of the region: it has brought to life the myth of an equal and just Central Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
Vitalii Koltsov ◽  
Yuliia Lomzhets

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main stages of creation and development of the Visegrad Group as a regional grouping, which is successfully developing when being a member of NATO and the European Union. This kind of research is especially relevant in connection with the exacerbation of the economic crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of the research is to analyze the strategic stages of creation and development of various cooperative aspects of the Visegrad countries; such a format of interaction has not lost its relevance after accession to the European Union. Analytical separation of periodization of the stages of formation, identification of problems and solutions faced by the Visegrad group’s countries is important for creating a modern economic and political worldview of cooperation and indentifying the main areas of cooperation in Europe. Based on the use of documents, including protocols and declarations as a result of meetings at various levels within the Visegrad Group, the specific stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that are the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration are analyzed and identified. Specific examples illustrate that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, getting effective assistance and support in various forms from it. There have been identified not only practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also some aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The member countries of the Visegrad Group, having initiated the format of cooperation “V4 + Ukraine”, took an active part in the most important processes that Ukraine went through on its way. The assumption is proved that the experience of the Visegrad countries is relevant and useful for Ukraine on the way to the realization of its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the difficulties within the European Union, between Ukraine and some of the signatories of the 1991 Visegrad Declaration, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying a broad dialogue between Ukraine and the European Union.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Latenko

The article is devoted to the history of the creation and functioning of the Visegrad Group as a regional entity, which not only did not cease activities after achieving the goal of Atlantic and European integration, but also successfully develops it, already being a member of NATO and the European Union. Based on the use of a broad documentary framework, in particular, protocols and declarations as a result of meetings of various levels within the framework of the Visegrad Group, analyzed and identifies the concrete stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that form the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration. On concrete examples, it was illustrated that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, received effective help and support from her side in a variety of forms. It is not just about practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also about the many aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The participating countries of the Visegrad Group, having become the initiators of the “B4 + Ukraine” cooperation format, have never stood apart from the most important processes and transitional stages, through which Ukraine passed on its way to becoming and self-determination. The opinion is upheld, that the experience gained by the member countries of the Visegrad format is relevant and useful for Ukraine and today on the way of implementing its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the existing difficulties both within the European Union and between Ukraine and individual signatory countries of the Visegrad Declaration of 1991, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying the broad dialogue between Ukraine and European Union.


2017 ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Iwona Śmigerska-Belczak

The international cooperation in the Baltic Sea region, especially between Scandinaviancountries, has a very long tradition that has impacted signicantly on institutionalisationof regional international relations. The current European Union Strategy for the Baltic SeaRegion is the rst macro-regional strategy within the EU, based on the earlier regionalexperience. Its main goal is strengthening cooperation in this region and promotingsustainable development in order to meet common challenges. The Strategy has broughtbetter coordination and effectiveness of the existing cooperation and turned out to bea very efficient and successful tool. Until spring 2014 the Baltic Sea Region was perceivedas a model region for successful transformation, close regional cooperation, trade andinclusive security. However, it is now facing new challenges connected with changingpolitical situation (EU-Russia relations, Brexit, migrations, etc.). The rules and formsof the governance in the Baltic Sea Region have appeared to be e‚ective and suƒcientin successfully addressing economic, social and political challenges. This is the answerto the question if there is any evidence to acknowledge the rules, forms and ways ofcooperation as a model which possibly could be followed elsewhere. As a result, the EUhas introduced three more macro-regional strategies.


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