scholarly journals The “New Turkey” Narrative and The Hegemonic Struggle of Justice and Development Party and Erdogan: A Gramscian Perspective (2002-2019)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fethi Ufuk ÖZIŞIK
Keyword(s):  
Justice And Development Party

Understanding Turkish Perception of Conscription and Reluctance to Reform: A Westphalian Approach in a Post-Westphalian World?

2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-368
Author(s):  
Birgül Demirtaş
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Realist Approach ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Military Systems ◽  
Basic Argument ◽  
Military Institutions ◽  
Traditional Understanding

Many of the Western countries have radically changed their system of conscription in the recent decades. Turkey that enthusiastically takes the West as a model in many fields continues, however, to ignore developments in the Western military systems and sticks to its traditional understanding of military institutions. The present study seeks to examine the rationale behind Turkey’s conscription system and its reluctance to reform. Why is the Justice and Development Party (JDP) still stuck to the same conscription system that remained untouched in its fundamentals for 85 years? The basic argument of the article is that although the discourse in Turkish foreign policy changed considerably under the JDP, Turkish decision leaders still have a security understanding dominated by the realist approach.

scholarly journals Turkey's Islamists: Accidental Democrats

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birol Başkan
Keyword(s):  
Review Essay ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
The Eu

When it was founded in 2001, the current ruling party in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), unequivocally declared its commitment to democracy and secularism (JDP 2014). Nevertheless, the party's implementation of reforms aimed at strengthening Turkey's democracy after coming to power in 2002 surprised many observers because the JDP's top leaders had been known Islamists. The speed and dedication with which the government introduced and implemented laws aimed at “European-style normalization” even impressed the EU, leading to the historic decision of 17 December 2004 to open negotiations with Turkey for full membership (Kirişҫi 2004). Such commitment seemed to be a rarity and therefore did not escape the attention of scholars either. It led to the publication of several academic works, four of which are the subject of this review essay.

scholarly journals R.T. Erdogan as an Example of a Charismatic Politician

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 138-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. A. Nadein-Raevskiy
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
The Face ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
Hizmet Movement

The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters. 

scholarly journals The politics behind the veil

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan Aksoy ◽  
Diego Gambetta
Keyword(s):  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Strategic Response ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Information Problem ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Politically Active

Using a natural experiment, we find that in provinces where Turkey’s Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) just won the election in 2004, women, including those who are weakly- or non-religious, now veil far more than in provinces in which AKP just lost, the more so the poorer they are. This effect, as we predict, does not occur for praying regularly which is a more costly and harder to observe practice. We argue that veiling is higher in AKP provinces not only because of a generic aim to conform to the stricter mores fostered by the victorious party. We find that those who veil, particularly those in AKP provinces who are not pious, are more politically active than those who do not veil. This may be an indication that veiling could partly be a strategic response to policies, which favour those who are or appear pious. Our study suggests that observable religious practices may have their independent dynamics driven by the pursuit of instrumental goals. Our results also suggest that parties with a religious ideology have an advantage over their secular counterparts in solving the clientelistic information problem, for they can rely on religious symbols for screening and signalling.

scholarly journals WHAT HAS HAPPENED IN AKP YEARS IN TURKEY: THE CONDITION OF ISLAMISM, TURKISH ISLAM SYNTHESIS, AND ISLAMIST VIOLENCE

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Fatma Sündal
Keyword(s):  
Legal Issues ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Second Period

AKP (Justice and Development Party) can be accepted as the last and most powerful representative of Islamism in Turkey. The party came to power alone, after the general elections in 2002 and in 2007. Within its fi rst period of power, AKP claimed divergence from its extreme Islamist views and it gained trust among the majority of intellectuals. Furthermore, some socialist and liberal intellectuals supported most claims of AKP, in its fi rst period of power. In the second period, AKP’s discourse began to have references to şeria law, more frequently; and fi nally, it lost the support of liberals and socialists. We witnessed some important and mysterious assassinations in the years 2006 and 2007 before the 2007 elections; and pre-elections period of 2007 was characterised by legal issues, which put AKP in a ‘suff ering’ position, once more. This essay is an eff ort in re-evaluating the tension between Islamism and laicism and some political issues of AKP years of Turkey, including four chosen acts of violence against laicite defenders or non-Muslims.

The Justice and Development Party (AKP)

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-80
Author(s):  
Yüksel Taşkın ◽  
interviewed by Burak Cop
Keyword(s):  
Justice And Development Party
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