scholarly journals Church-State Relations in Korean Protestantism, 1884-1945: Focusing on the Discourse of Separation between Church and State

2012 ◽  
Vol null (157) ◽  
pp. 231-268
Author(s):  
최영근
Author(s):  
Martin Fitzpatrick

This chapter examines Edmund Burke’s attitude towards Protestant dissenters, particularly the more radical or rational ones who were prominent in the late eighteenth century, as a way of understanding his changing attitude towards the Church of England and state. The Dissenters who attracted Burke’s attention were those who were interested in extending the terms of toleration both for ministers and for their laity. Initially Burke supported their aspirations, but from about 1780 things began to change. The catalyst for Burke’s emergence as leader of those who feared that revolution abroad might become a distemper at home was Richard Price’s Discourse on Love of Our Country. The chapter analyses how Burke moved from advocating toleration for Dissenters to become a staunch defender of establishment as to have ‘un-Whigged’ himself. It also considers the debate on the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts as well as Burke’s attitude towards Church–state relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 243-257
Author(s):  
Никита Кузнецов

Данная статья посвящена обзору и анализу взглядов дореволюционных канонистов Московской духовной академии на церковно-государственные отношения, преимущественно профессоров Николая Семёновича Суворова и Николая Александровича Заозерского. Были проанализированы их библейские, святоотеческие и исторические аргументы по данной теме. Представлены их взгляды на следующие системы церковно-государственных отношений: симфония, иерократия, слияние Церкви с государством, государственная церковность, отделение Церкви от государства. Автор статьи дает оценку мнениям вышеуказанных канонистов и комментирует их. В работах Суворова и Заозерского также отражена их реакция на провозглашение свободы совести Манифестом 17 октября 1905 г., что рассматривается автором статьи. Преимущественное внимание к западной постановке проблемы взаимодействия Церкви и государства и её решению сказалось на их положительном отношении к сложившемуся синодальному строю в Российской империи при общем христианском понимании специфики вопроса. This article reviews and analyzes the views of pre-revolutionary canonists of the Moscow Theological Academy on church-state relations, mainly professors Nikolai Semenovich Suvorov and Nikolai Alexandrovich Zaozersky. Their biblical, patristic and historical arguments on the subject were analyzed. Particular attention to this issue was due to the general upgrade of Russian theological and canonical science and the exacerbation of this issue in the West. The second half of the XIX- beginning of the XX centuries was marked by the processes of separation of the Church and State. Their views on the following systems of church-state relations are presented: symphony, hierocracy, the merger of Church and State, state churchness, separation of Church and State. The author gives each system its own assessment and comment on the opinions of the above canonists. Their work also reflects the reaction to the beginnings of freedom of conscience, which were proclaimed by the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. Most of their attention to the western formulation and the solution of cooperation between the Church and the state affected their positive attitude to the existing synodal system in the Russian Empire with a general Christian understanding of the specifics of this issue.


1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick C. Turner

Although Church-State Relations have seldom been viewed from the standpoint of nationalism, they raise a series of questions concerning the patterns of loyalty which citizens render to both Church and State. Historians frequently find common religion to be an element of nationalism, but in the nominally Catholic countries of Latin America references to “common religion” in fact hide major diversities and degrees of belief. If reiterations of a common religious heritage by the mass of a population can strengthen thensentiments of common origin and national purpose, open conflict between religious groups may also belie national unity. Religious and national loyalties may be overlapping and mutually reinforcing, or they may be contradictory and antagonistic. The nature of the loyalties differs in time even within the same national context.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Papkova

The literature on church-state relations in post-Soviet Russia has been slowly but steadily expanding over the past two decades. The period since 2008, however, remains underdeveloped, as existing analysis has focused on specific issues rather than attempting an overview of the larger trends since the above-mentioned changes in the leadership of both institutions. Seeking to address this gap, this article explores the implications of the nearly coincidental changeovers in leadership in the Moscow Patriarchate and the secular state for church-state relations in Russia, both near and long-term. The first part of the article sets up the context for understanding the new church-state dynamic, by discussing in some detail the state of the relationship under Patriarch Aleksii II. The conclusions are that, under Aleksii tenure, the church could be considered a relatively weak institution, as it was unable for the most part to strengthen its position in Russia through legislative means. The second part focuses on the process whereby the new patriarch came to be elected in 2009, intending thereby to shed some light on Kirill I's leadership style and political agenda. The third part discusses concrete changes in the church-state relationship that have occurred on the federal level since 2008. The final section proposes some conclusions regarding the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church as a political actor in the contemporary Russian Federation, suggesting that despite the recent gains in the church's political fortunes, the ROC's position in society and particularly vis-à-vis the government remains vulnerable in key respects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 763-781
Author(s):  
Heather J. Coleman

This chapter describes the intertwined religious and political histories of Russia and Ukraine, focusing on church–state relations and religion’s role in relations between the two nations. It analyzes the common origins of these countries in medieval Kyivan Rus’, and the ongoing debate about the significance of the decision to accept Orthodox Christianity in 988 to both the relationship between church and state and the cultural orientation of Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians. It traces the legacy of separate religious development in the medieval era; changing church–state relations in Russia; the use of religion as a mode of governance; the civilizational debate about Orthodoxy and European identity; the experience under the Soviet regime; religious revival amid the collapse of communism; and post-communist tensions about the role of religion in a pluralist society, and about competing visions of a ‘Russian World’ on one hand and autocephaly for Ukrainian Orthodoxy on the other.


Author(s):  
Johan Olsthoorn

Hobbes’s views on church–state relations go well beyond Erastianism. Rather than claiming that the state holds supremacy over the church, Hobbes argued that church and state are identical in Christian commonwealths. This chapter shows that Hobbes advanced two distinct arguments for the church–state identity thesis over time. Both arguments are of considerable interest. The argument found in De Cive explains how the sovereign unifies a multitude of Christians into one personified church—without, intriguingly, any appeal to representation. Leviathan’s argument is premised on the sovereign’s authorized representation of Christian subjects. Authorization explains why, from Leviathan onwards, full sacerdotal powers are ex officio attributed to the sovereign. In Hobbes’s mature theory, every clerical power, including baptism and consecration, derives from the sovereign—now labelled ‘the Supreme Pastor’. Developments in Hobbes’s account of church personation thus explain Leviathan’s theocratic turn.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Ingram

This chapter anatomizes Warburton’s theory of church-state relations. It details the competing theories of church-state relations against which he situated his Alliance between Church and Stat (1736)e. It turns next to consider the marginal notes to his copy of Clarendon’s History of the Rebellion, a work which exposed the breakdown of the religious and political order in mid-seventeenth-century England. The chapter concludes with a consideration of Warburton’s Alliance, highlighting the ways that he thought his conception of church and state might prevent a reversion to the previous century’s religio-political breakdown.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Riedel

AbstractEuropean church-state relations are the result of a long democratisation process. The immigration of the Muslim population during the second part of the twentieth century to Western Europe and the democratic transition of the Eastern European political systems after 1990 raise questions on the importance of religious bodies in the public space and their influence on existing church-state relations. This article analyses whether these developments would continue the traditional separation of church and state or put the clocks back towards a new sacralisation of politics.


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