scholarly journals Obraz Polski w rosyjskiej telewizji

Author(s):  
Agata Krzywdzińska

The aim of the article is to analyze the image of Poland on Russian state television in the context of the introduction of a new decommunization law in Poland. The subjects of qualitative analysis are Russian information and journalistic programs devoted to the demolition of Soviet soldiers‘ monuments in Poland. The author hypothesizes about a change in the provision of information and sharpening media narrative. The application of the content analysis of the presenters and guests‘ statements made it possible to obtain an answer on Poland‘s image and current level of political and social talk shows. Selected programs deal not only with the demolition of monuments to Soviet soldiers but are also devoted to current Russian-Polish political relations. The conclusions that can be drawn from the analysis of the programs indicate a significant increase in anti-Polish sentiments, intensified by the leading journalists. Political talk show programs spread a negative and biased picture of Poland in Russian society.

2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Lichtenstein ◽  
Katharina Esau ◽  
Lena Pavlova ◽  
Dmitry Osipov ◽  
Nikita Argylov

This article examines the framing of the Ukraine crisis in German and Russian television political talk shows. Informed by peace journalism and constructive journalism, it investigates how Russian and German shows frame the Ukraine crisis and to what extent constructive and destructive frames are used. Qualitative content analysis of 20 shows (10 Russian and 10 German) enables examination of frame content and their constructive or destructive character. While constructive frames address situational causal interpretations and constructive problem treatments, destructive frames blame one party for the crisis and apply either no treatment or a destructive one. Findings reveal that shows in both countries provide different frames on both the situation inside Ukraine and international tensions between Russia and the West. While large parts of both strands of the debates are destructive in character, the country’s shows include more constructive frames in different periods of the crisis.


Author(s):  
Tressyalina Tressyalina ◽  
Sakura Ridwan

The objective of this research was to understand comprehensively about implementation of direct and indirect speech act in Mata Najwa talk shows on Metro TV. It was a qualitative research with content analysis method. The data were collected through indirect participant using observation and some document study were video recordings of audio-visual from www.matanajwa.com pages. It was started of January 2014 to March 2014. The analysis and interpretation of data, indicated that direct speech act mode was more dominant than indirect speech act. Direct speech act was conducted through speech of interrogative, declarative, and imperative. Indirect speech act was conducted through speech of declarative and interrogative for imperative mode.


Author(s):  
Mariya Vivdych

The article analyzes the content of social talk shows on Ukrainian television and reveals the peculiarities of their structure, in particular, such talk shows as “Stosuietsia kozhnoho”/“It effects everyone” (TV channel “Inter”), “Odyn za vsih”/”One for all” (TV channel “STB”) and “Hovoryt Ukraina”/”It is Ukraine” (TV channel “Ukraine”). In the study of this topic, the following research methods such as content analysis, comparison and generalization were used – to search for differences in the objects under study; analysis and synthesis – to find features in the objects under study and to formulate conclusions. The article examines in detail the role of the TV presenter and identifies the main disadvantages in organizing and conducting social talk shows – in order to eliminate them and improve the quality of social talk shows on Ukrainian television.


2020 ◽  
pp. 016344372097423
Author(s):  
Petr Gulenko

This article explores the mechanisms used by the creators of Russian political talk shows to turn public discussion into a propaganda display. Analysis of three popular shows demonstrates that informational selectiveness combined with an illusion of equal representation among guests with opposing views are the main mechanisms in the process of pre-production. The roles chosen by talk show hosts demonstrate the various communicative techniques used to achieve propaganda objectives, while the major propagandistic tool is discrediting opponents of the Russian authorities. The reactions of the audience are framed to create a fictitious background of ‘nationwide support’ for the propaganda discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Yanchenko

Against a background of increasing electoral support of populist political actors in Europe and beyond, this study offers an exploratory inquiry into modern Ukrainian populism. The article examines populist communication, broadcast on the most highly rated Ukrainian television political talk shows, on the eve of the 2019 presidential election, which was completed in two rounds. A qualitative content analysis of populist communication acts (n=283) shows that Ukrainian viewers were exposed to diverse political discourses containing empty, anti-elitist, emergency, and complete populism, depending on which channel(s) they watched. The dominance of one or another type of populism on the studied channels mirrors the dynamics of media-political parallelism typical of Ukrainian commercial television. The study also examines the roles of different actors—moderators, journalists, and politicians—in either restricting or facilitating populism in the talk show studios. The populism-related reactions collected during this analysis (n=145) are discussed through the prism of normative roles, with a focus on gatekeeping, interpretation, and initiation. Implications for the stakeholders involved in the process of production, moderation, and consumption of political talk shows are presented.


2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 171-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Mattheiß ◽  
Carina Weinmann ◽  
Charlotte Löb ◽  
Katharina Rauhe ◽  
Katharina Bartsch ◽  
...  

The purpose of this study is to explain viewers’ entertainment and feelings of being informed when watching political talk shows on German TV, depending on their viewing motivations. First, an exploratory survey (N = 189) aims to identify the motivation. Results show that some participants had a strong interest in gaining political information by following such shows, while others simply watch them for entertainment purposes. Drawing on the concept of infotainment as well as on the elaboration likelihood model as a basis for entertainment and the feeling of being informed, four hypotheses are then tested in a 2 × 2 (focus on entertaining features versus focus on information × talk show containing a video clip versus talk show containing no video clip) experiment with 63 subjects. The results suggest that people felt better informed and were more entertained through political talk shows when watching them with a focus on entertaining features rather than with a focus on information. However, whether a talk show contained a video clip or not did not make any difference. The fact that a focus on entertaining features can induce a feeling of being informed reveals an interesting phenomenon, which is consistent with current developments in entertainment theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511882335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Ernst ◽  
Sina Blassnig ◽  
Sven Engesser ◽  
Florin Büchel ◽  
Frank Esser

For studying populism in a hybrid and high-choice media environment, the comparison of various media channels is especially instructive. We argue that populism-related communication is a combination of key messages (content) and certain stylistic devices (form), and we compare their utilization by a broad range of political actors on Facebook, Twitter, and televised talk shows across six countries (CH, DE, FR, IT, UK, and US). We conducted a content analysis of social media and talk show statements ( N = 2067) from 31 parties during a nonelection period of 3 months in 2015. We place special emphasis on stylistic devices and find that they can be grouped into three dimensions—equivalent to three dimensions used for populist key messages. We further find that political parties are generally more inclined to use populism-related communication on Facebook and Twitter than in political talk shows and that both new challenger parties and extreme parties use higher amounts of populist key messages and style elements.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 287
Author(s):  
Yingnian Tao

<p><em>This study is designed to examine how the secondary/subordinate host under institutional obligations and restrictions employs the interruption mechanism to supplement the dominant host’s narrative and elicit an audience’s laughter. Ten episodes totaling 239 minutes of the popular Chinese TV talk show Jinxing Show were selected, focusing on the “monologue” narrative section in which the interruption mechanism is given its best play. The data encompass 288 interruption turns and 80 non-interruption turns. Conversation Analysis is used to analyse the type of interruptions and the relation between interruptions and laughter. It is found that interruptions adopted by the assistant host can be analysed according to two aspects: rapport and intrusion, with the former consisting of backchannel and progression, while the latter is characterized by tease, disagreement, and pick-up. Backchannel and pick-up scarcely produce laughter from the audience, while progression and disagreement result in around half of the interruption that embodies laughter, and tease causes the strongest reactions. It is also argued that the interruption-laughter correlation is determined by the role identification and institutional obligations, which are primarily aimed at complementing the storytelling of the dominant host and enliven the atmosphere in the studio. Through administering quantitative and qualitative analysis, this study is expected to develop studies of institutional interruption by displaying how the secondary characters in institutional contexts (talk shows) full of dominance and restrictions exert resistance (interruption), while also accomplishing institutional responsibilities. Helping the audience and viewers appreciate the discursive skills of the talk show hosts is also likely.</em></p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 152 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sukhmani Khorana

Emerging literature on the rapid rise of 24-hour commercial news television in India in the last decade, as well as popular and editorial commentary on the above phenomenon, suggests that these channels are playing the role of mediators for the middle classes. While the news content is widely believed to be sensationalised for the sake of attaining higher ratings in an overcrowded and competitive market, political talk shows have turned into the analytical and narrative extension of news segments. By including the ordinary – mostly through its mediation by middle-class experts and journalists – these talk shows have turned into the popular culture equivalent of a public sphere for middle-class discussions of pertinent political issues. This article traces the genealogy of a long-standing political talk show on one of India's longest-running commercial networks, NDTV 24×7's We the People, to demonstrate its attempts to mirror an inclusive Indian public sphere. Further, in light of the recent middle classled anti-corruption movement in India, and subsequent conclusions about the weakening of the state, an episode of the talk show titled ‘Anna and the Great Indian Middle Class' is subject to a detailed textual analysis. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate the show's construction of: (a) corruption as a pan-Indian, and not just a middle-class, issue; (b) the middle class itself as a homogeneous group; and (c) the televisual public sphere (and not a community consultation involving representatives of the state) as a place for establishing populist consensus. Literature on new political television and theories of the public sphere are used as theoretical springboards throughout the article.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camelia Beciu ◽  
Mirela Lazăr ◽  
Irina Diana Mădroane

The article examines emerging practices of personalization in political talk shows on Romanian television. Our interest lies in the reconfiguration of the role of critical journalist, as performed by talk show hosts on private TV channels, in the context of increasing commercialization and instrumentalization of the Romanian media in postcommunism. This development consists of the strategic use of personalization, achieved through the talk show dispositive, for the enactment of positions of journalistic interpretation, adversarialness, and intervention on behalf of the citizens. The findings indicate shifts in the symmetry/asymmetry relationships between journalists, guests, politicians, and publics, as well as new ways of constructing and understanding public issues. Two main patterns of personalization have been identified: the journalist as a fully engaged voice, effectively substituting itself for the public opinion, and the journalist as an ordinary person, who has the capacity to see through and expose dominant public discourses.


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