Religious Freedom vs. Women’s Rights in Indonesia: The Case of Mohammad Insa

Archipel ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-145
Author(s):  
Faye Chan
Author(s):  
Rachel Kranson

This essay traces the Women’s League for Conservative Judaism’s engagement in the issue of reproductive rights during the 1970s and early 1980s. Members of the Women’s League first championed legal abortion in 1970, defending their position through expressly feminist arguments supporting women’s reproductive autonomy. While they never backed down from their endorsement of legal abortion, the political shifts of the late 1970s and early 1980s compelled them to develop a new language through which to discuss the issue. Reframing access to abortion as a matter of religious freedom offered Women’s League members a way to articulate their support for the procedure without publicly endorsing the principle of women’s reproductive autonomy, an idea that had become increasingly controversial over the course of the 1970s. As much of the American public began to view a particularly right-wing, Christian opposition to abortion as a universal religious principle, the leaders of the Women’s League struggled to show that their backing of legal abortion did not conflict with their religious commitments. Framing access to abortion as a religious right enabled them to present their stance on abortion as a component of their spiritual worldview rather than as a capitulation to secular, feminist ideals.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 366
Author(s):  
Christine Schirrmacher

ABSTRACT: The areas of conflict relating to the freedom of religion and women’s rights do not affect the majority of Muslims who practice their religion in Germany and, in the process, they do not clash with the constitutional state. This is also not a matter having to do with those theologians who take their justification for comprehensive religious freedom and equal rights for women from the Koran and, respectively, other normative sources of Islam. Rather, it has to do with those influential scholars who interpret the norms and commands of Islam in such a way that conflicts arise with the laws of a secular constitutional state. These scholars defend the view that the laws of the Sharia are prior to the norms of the secular constitutional state and are obligatory for all Muslims. At the present moment, the question of freedom of religion could be virtually understood as a topic which, in largely secularized Europe and for the religiously neutral state, possesses little relevance. To what extent do inner-Islamic standpoints interest the constitutional state on the question of religious freedom? For the constitutional state, it does not concern itself with the question of evaluating a religion and its doctrinal content. This also applies with respect to Islam. There, however, where actions are justified by religious convictions, or where they follow from them or are declared to be mandatory by influential religious opinion leaders, and where these actions infringe upon established law or limit the basic rights of individuals, the state and its representatives have to concern themselves with these convictions, independent of whether these convictions are of a religious, political, or of a religious and political nature. KEYWORDS: Germany, Islam, freedom of religion, women’s rights, the constitutional state, conflicts


2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 832-853 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pazit Ben-Nun Bloom

The literature is divided on the nature of the relationship between state-level restriction of religious freedom and women’s rights, as religious freedom can empower members of marginalized groups or advance gender-discriminatory practices. Employing a time-series cross-sectional analysis of data for two decades from 153 nations, this study shows that the relationship between religious regulation and women’s rights depends on the type of regulation, with regulation of the majority religion improving state-level women’s rights and discriminatory regulation specifically targeting minority religions impairing them. Furthermore, the effect of regulation is moderated by the context. Even relatively small regulatory steps promote women’s rights in patriarchal and non-democratic regimes by weakening the religion-state fusion and patriarchal values. However, in liberal democracies, the beneficial effects of regulation wane or even backfire, as religious institutions may rally around the religion. Consequently, this article advocates a multidimensional view of religious freedom, and warns against viewing secularization as inherently promoting gender equality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 173-200
Author(s):  
Eva Brems

Abstract The paper offers an analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights at the intersection of women’s rights and religious freedom. It maps different configurations of gender and religious interests across the corpus of case law, and analyses the Court’s intersectionality practice.


2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-356
Author(s):  
Harm J. Hazewinkel

AbstractAs long as the HDIM and other Human Dimension events exists, there is discussion on the formula and Ambassador Gremiger's attempts, even though not new, should be welcomed. Some intrinsic elements make it however difficult to find a format that is satisfying to all. In the first place there is the fact that the HDIM will not produce a negotiated document, which makes it difficult to capture the interest of governments. Furthermore, the growth of the European Union, which speaks with one voice, entails that interest mainly goes to the fringe of the OSCE area. On the other hand, several seminars (e.g. Roma and Sinti, Religious Freedom and Women's Rights) have contributed to enhanced interest within the OSCE . It should never be forgotten that the HDIM and other meetings are a tool, not an aim in themselves.


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