scholarly journals National and International Policies and Policy Instruments in the Development of Agroforestry in Chad

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (16) ◽  
pp. 9200
Author(s):  
Divine Foundjem-Tita ◽  
Ann Degrande ◽  
Cyrille Bergaly Kamdem
Keyword(s):  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
International Policies ◽  
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper ◽  
The Government ◽  
Smart Agriculture ◽  
Mitigate Climate Change

The potential of agroforestry to improve livelihoods and mitigate climate change and environmental degradation has been widely recognized, especially within the context of climate-smart agriculture. However, agroforestry opportunities have not been fully exploited because of several reasons, among which are adverse policies and legislations. However, many countries do not have a full understanding of how their policy and institutional environment may affect agroforestry development. We aim to fill this gap by looking at the particular case of Chad. The method used included examining data from: (i) literature reviews of important national and international polices, strategies, and legislation governing access to land and trees, among which are ‘La Loi 14’, Chad’s 2010 poverty reduction strategy paper, draft zero of the National Environmental Policy, (ii) interviews and focus group discussions with NGOs, government officials, and farmers, and (iii) surveys with 100 households. Results show that Chad has no specific agroforestry policy but opportunities for agroforestry can be found in some of the above-mentioned policy documents and government strategies. Most stakeholders interviewed had positive attitudes towards agroforestry, but uptake of the practice is handicapped by poor understanding of the forestry law by farmers and forestry officials. Gaps in existing laws give room for rent-seekers to collect individual (USD 272–909) and collective (USD 36–1818) access fees to trees on both forest and farmland. We propose that the government of Chad should unmask elements of agroforestry in existing policies and policy instruments to demonstrate its importance in responding to livelihood and environmental challenges in the country.

Corruption correlates: the case of Cyprus

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Assiotis ◽  
Maria Krambia-Kapardis
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Personal Benefit ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Almost All ◽  
University Degree ◽  
Do So

Purpose – This paper aims to verify the perceptions of Cypriot society in relation to corruption. In an attempt to do so, 1,521 Cypriots participated between the months of September 2011 and October 2011 in the survey on the level of corruption in Cyprus. The survey was conducted by the organization “Transparency Cyprus”. Participants were 52 per cent female and 48 per cent male, age groups covered by 18 years until retirement, of whom 51 per cent work in the private sector, 16 per cent in the public sector, 24 per cent do not work, while 9 per cent work in semi-governmental organizations. Finally, 34 per cent are high school graduates, 37 per cent had higher education and 29 per cent hold a postgraduate university degree. The survey results show that corruption in Cyprus is considered by the vast majority of participants (86 per cent) as a serious problem and will also increase due to the economic crisis (79 per cent). The majority (93 per cent) of respondents believes that corruption and/or abuse of power for personal benefit exists and is widespread in most national politicians, in government officials in awarding public tenders (92 per cent) and in the police (90 per cent). Design/methodology/approach – In an attempt to verify the perceptions of Cypriot society in relation to corruption, 1,521 Cypriots participated between the months of September 2011 and October 2011 in the survey on the level of corruption in Cyprus. To analyze the results of the survey, the statistical package SPSS has been utilized. Findings – Seventy per cent consider corruption a major issue in Cyprus, while 60 per cent are being or have been affected by corruption directly. Almost all interviewees (92 per cent) believe that the police are also corrupted. Sixty-one per cent believe that not enough is being done to fight corruption, and in the cases that something was done, it was not enough. Seventy-five per cent blame the government, 67 per cent blame the police and 58 per cent blame the prosecutors and judges. Research limitations/implications – On the completion of the upcoming survey (for the year 2013), one can compare these results and identify the associations between the two surveys. Another limitation of this survey is that people could have answered based on their perceptions; therefore, the results should be treated with extra care. Originality/value – This research manuscript takes a step further to deepen our understanding of corruption in Cyprus. The findings of the survey performed could serve as policy prescription for the policy-makers who aim to strengthen the institutional environment in Cyprus. To do so, one should examine the current stage of the environment in Cyprus, something that this research paper explores through the survey conducted.

The soft power and paradiplomacy of Hong Kong

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-172
Author(s):  
Wai Yin Chan
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Global Context ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The Government

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to map out the connection between paradiplomacy, policy instruments and soft power and propose a theoretical framework for consideration. Design/methodology/approach This research adopted a qualitative research approach involving in-depth interviews with government officials from the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices and two Hong Kong film directors. Findings The research has discovered that the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) lacks a holistic strategy and policy to boost Hong Kong’s visibility in the global context. The HKSAR Government exhibits an incomplete understanding of the concept of soft power and ignores the values cherished in the civil society. Practical implications This investigation provides a background against which Hong Kong’s policymakers could devise a paradiplomatic strategy. This study suggests that political and social actors in Hong Kong must help to strengthen the city’s global position through strategic investments and the deployment of its soft power at home and aboard. The paradiplomacy of Hong Kong can serve as one of the effective tools to improve the legitimacy of “One Country, Two Systems.” Originality/value There is no study on the application of soft power under the framework of paradiplomacy. This paper represents a new direction of research in the area of Hong Kong, international status and its external affairs.

Trustees of development from conditionality to governance: poverty reduction strategy papers in Ghana

2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay Whitfield
Keyword(s):  
Structural Adjustment ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Reduction Strategy ◽  
Multiple Interfaces ◽  
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper ◽  
Poverty Reduction Strategy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Bretton Woods Institutions ◽  
Structural Adjustment Programmes

The World Bank and IMF launched the Poverty Reduction Strategy Initiative in the context of longstanding criticisms of their structural adjustment programmes. This article examines the process of formulating Ghana's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) from two perspectives. From the perspective of reforming the Bretton Woods institutions, it assesses the extent to which the PRSP approach alters the lending practices of these institutions in Ghana. From the perspective of understanding policymaking in highly indebted, aid-dependent African countries, it reveals the multiple interfaces of politics in such countries produced by relations among and within donors/creditors, the government and non-governmental actors. Its conclusions echo the growing body of literature critiquing PRSPs, and emphasise the constraints which the foreign aid regime places on democratic governance.

The Emancipation of Europe's Muslims

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Muslim Immigrants ◽  
European Democracy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Integration Problems ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.

Financial and monetary policy of the State and its impact on the income level and poverty reduction in Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 964-990
Author(s):  
N.I. Kulikov ◽  
V.L. Parkhomenko ◽  
Akun Anna Stefani Rozi Mobio
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Policy ◽  
Gdp Growth ◽  
Tax Rate ◽  
Gdp Growth Rate ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Subject. We assess the impact of tight financial and monetary policy of the government of the Russian Federation and the Bank of Russia on the level of household income and poverty reduction in Russia. Objectives. The purpose of the study is to analyze the results of financial and monetary policy in Russia and determine why the situation with household income and poverty has not changed for the recent six years, and the GDP growth rate in Russia is significantly lagging behind the global average. Methods. The study employs methods of analysis of scientific and information base, and synthesis of obtained data. The methodology and theoretical framework draw upon works of domestic and foreign scientists on economic and financial support to economy and population’s income. Results. We offer measures for liberalization of the financial and monetary policy of the government and the Central Bank to ensure changes in the structure of the Russian economy. The proposed alternative economic and financial policy of the State will enable the growth of real incomes of the population, poverty reduction by half by 2024, and annual GDP growth up to 6 per cent. Conclusions. It is crucial to change budget priorities, increase the salaries of public employees, introduce a progressive tax rate for individuals; to reduce the key rate to the value of annual inflation and limit the bank margin. The country needs a phased program to increase the population's income, which will ensure consumer demand.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

The Arthur Crawford Scandal

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits
Keyword(s):  
Retirement Age ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
High Court ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Receive

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.

Reflections on the Acquisition of Land by Non-citizens in Botswana

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-204
Author(s):  
Boga Thura Manatsha
Keyword(s):  
Urban Areas ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
The Government ◽  
Tribal Land ◽  
Ownership Of Land ◽  
Land Transactions

There are rising public concerns about the acquisition of prime land by non-citizens/foreigners in Botswana, especially in the sprawling urban and peri-urban areas. Indians, Nigerians and Chinese, among others, are allegedly involved in such land transactions. There is a salient local resentment towards them and/or such transactions. Sensational media reports, emotive public statements by politicians, chiefs and government officials, and anger from ordinary citizens dominate the discourse. These emotive public debates about this issue warrant some academic comment. This article argues that the acquisition of land by foreigners in Botswana, in each land category—tribal, state and freehold—is legally allowed by the relevant laws. But this does not mean that citizens have no right to raise concerns and/or show their disapproval of some of these legal provisions. Aware of the public outcry, the government has since passed the Land Policy in 2015, revised in 2019, and amended the Tribal Land Act in 2018, not yet operational, to try and strictly regulate the acquisition of land by non-citizens. There is no readily available statistical data, indicating the ownership of land by foreigners in each land category. This issue is multifaceted and needs to be cautiously handled, lest it breeds xenophobia or the anti-foreigner sentiments.

Wining and Dining Government Officials: What Drives Political Networking in Chinese Private Ventures?

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 1084-1113
Author(s):  
Jianjun Zhang ◽  
Pei Sun ◽  
Kunyuan Qiao
Keyword(s):  
Emerging Economies ◽  
Resource Dependence ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Resource Dependence Theory ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Corporate Political Activity ◽  
Dyadic Relationship ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACTManagerial networking with political actors has long been recognized as a crucial co-option strategy to navigate the challenging institutional environment in emerging economies. However, we know much less about what drives the variation of political networking investment by private ventures. Drawing on resource dependence theory, we unpack the dyadic business-government relations and identify the key organizational and environmental factors that shape the power dependence relationships between private ventures and the government. By examining power imbalance and mutual dependence in this dyadic relationship and considering both the necessity and the capability of political networking, we develop hypotheses regarding the ways in which size-, connection-, and location-based dependencies affect firms’ political networking intensity. These hypotheses are tested through a unique survey of Chinese private ventures. Our study finds that political networking intensity (1) has an inverted U-shaped relationship with firm size, (2) is negatively associated with the presence of embedded political ties while positively associated with that of achieved political connections, and (3) is smaller when the focal firm is located in business development zones. This research bears rich implications for our understanding of corporate political activity in emerging economies from a resource dependence lens.

Danish Industrial Policy: Persistent Liberalism

1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Chr. Sidenius
Keyword(s):  
Technological Innovation ◽  
Industrial Policy ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Crisis Response ◽  
Gradual Process ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Industry ◽  
Response Policy

ABSTRACTDanish industrial policy reflects a ‘liberalistic’ paradigm, with industrial subsidies being general rather than selective, and based on profitability. There was an increase in the number of industrial policy instruments introduced in the second half of the 1970s, and in particular there seems to have been an increase in subsidies for technological innovation. The amount of money allocated for industrial subsidies has increased, especially during the economic recession. However, Danish industrial policy can only be conceived of as a crisis response policy in a relatively diffuse way, with only a few arrangements directly targetted at firms in difficulties, whereas most aim at making the surviving firms expand, innovate and increase their exports. Similarly, with few exceptions Danish industrial policy can be seen as anticipatory only in a very general way. The administration of industrial policy is characterised by close cooperation between state, industry and labour in tripartite boards and committees that take decisions about the administration of industrial policy or advise the government. The widespread use of such tripartite bodies hampers changes in industrial policy because all partners have to acquiesce in the changes. Innovation in Danish industrial policy is likely to be a gradual process, with most existing arrangements surviving, and a desultory increase in the use of more selective measures.

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