scholarly journals Grid Governance in China under the COVID-19 Outbreak: Changing Neighborhood Governance

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7089
Author(s):  
Tianke Zhu ◽  
Xigang Zhu ◽  
Jian Jin

Housing commodification seems to suggest that a process of a state is embracing private governance. However, private governance in Chinese neighborhoods is a two-way trajectory. This paper examined two types of housing neighborhoods, namely, a work-unit housing neighborhood and gated commodity housing to understand the changes in neighborhood governance. It is interesting to observe that during the Covid-19 epidemic period, the state government enhanced its presence and public trust in neighborhood governance by changing the former ways of self-governance. As a strategy for the state to return to local governance, the grid governance is the reconfiguration of administrative resources at a neighborhood level and professionalizes neighborhood organizations to ensure the capacities of the state to solve social crises and neighborhood governance. The potential side effects of changing neighborhood governance are that while the implementation of grid governance has improved internal connections among residents, the empowered neighborhood governments acting as the “state agent on the ground” leads to an estrangement between residents and private governance. The underdevelopment of neighborhood autonomy is not only due to the restriction of state government, but more importantly, the reciprocal relationship of state-led neighborhood governance in the context of housing privatization development in China.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Dionizio Azeredo ◽  
Carlos Eduardo Soares Vaz

<p><strong>Criticism of the interference between powers in the light of luhmann's theory and the new law of abuse of authority</strong></p><p><strong>RESUMO</strong>: O presente artigo busca explicar, à luz da teoria sistêmica de Luhmann, as interações entre Direito e Política, especificamente na relação de poderes no sistema estatal tripartite, culminando na nova lei de abuso de autoridade. Utiliza de metodologia baseada na análise de estudos teóricos, qualitativos e descritivos, através de levantamento de material bibliográfico quanto à teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann aplicada ao contexto estatal brasileiro atual, podendo ser enquadrado no eixo temático Estado, Governo e Sociedade. A pesquisa expõe terminologias dos estudos de Luhmann e seus significados, para compreensão da teoria sistêmica, interligando-se em dois caminhos: a diferenciação entre Direito e Política e seu acoplamento estrutural, apresentando crítica quanto à interferência entre os poderes, especialmente a constituição de um Tribunal Político atuando nas políticas públicas reservadas à Administração Pública do Poder Executivo e, por outro lado, a atuação legiferante dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo na limitação de atuação do Poder Judiciário, especialmente na recente nova lei de abuso de autoridade.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves</strong>: Poderes estatais, direito e política, teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann, tribunal político, lei de abuso de autoridade.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article seeks to explain, in the view of Luhmann's systemic theory, the interactions between Law and Politics, specifically in the relationship of powers in the state tripartite system, culminating in the new law of abuse of authority. It uses a methodology based on the analysis of theoretical, qualitative and descriptive studies, through the survey of bibliographic material regarding niklas Luhmann's systemic theory applied to the current Brazilian state context, and can be framed in the state, government and society thematic axis. The research exposes terminologies of Luhmann's studies and its meanings, to understand systemic theory, interconnecting in two paths: the differentiation between Law and Politics and its structural coupling, presenting criticism about the interference between the powers, especially the constitution of a Political Court acting in public policies reserved for the Public Administration of the Executive Branch and, on the other hand, the legiferante action of the Executive and Legislative Branches in limiting the judiciary, especially in the recent new law of abuse of authority.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: State powers, law and politics, Niklas Luhmann systemic theory, political court, authority abuse law.</p><p><strong>Data da submissão: 03/11/2020</strong><br /><strong>Data da aceitação: 18/05/2020</strong></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Muhadam Labolo

The changes about Village policy provide both opportunities and threats to the development of village autonomy. Opportunities for the development of village autonomy are at least normatively gaining a foothold from two important principles of recognition and subsidiarity. The first principle as a form of recognition of village existence in various forms has actually been introduced through Law Number 22 Year 1999 and 32 Year 2004 which corrects efforts to uniform the lowest government entity of the village under another name. The second principle is the juridical consequence of the 1945 Constitution article 18B paragraph (2) where the state not only recognizes, also respects special and special units as long as it is still there and well maintained. This principle allows the state to allocate resources to the village even though the village is no longer subordinate to the state (mini bureaucracy) as the practice of Law 5/1979 through local state government paradigm. With the resources referred to the village at least have the opportunity to develop the original autonomy (self governing community) and not solely under the control of local governance system (local self-government). The allocation of resources from the government, provincial and district / city and the opening of access in the effort of developing village autonomy is not impossible to increase the tension in the village through abuse of authority and the potential of horizontal conflict. Village autonomy can ultimately contain threats if a number of important requirements can not be fulfilled given the culture, structure and environment that affect the village is much more dominant than the supradesa itself is quite distant with the community.Keywords: village autonomy, opportunities, threats


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2014 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
Scott Pittman

The story of anti-communism in California schools is a tale well and often told. But few scholars have appreciated the important role played by private surveillance networks. This article examines how privately funded and run investigations shaped the state government’s pursuit of leftist educators. The previously-secret papers of Major General Ralph H. Van Deman, which were opened to researchers at the National Archives in Washington, D.C., only a few years ago, show that the general operated a private spy network out of San Diego and fed information to military, federal, and state government agencies. Moreover, he taught the state government’s chief anti-communist bureaucrat, Richard E. Combs, how to recruit informants and monitor and control subversives. The case of the suspicious death of one University of California, Los Angeles student – a student that the anti-communists claimed had been “scared to death” by the Reds – shows the extent of the collaboration between Combs and Van Deman. It further illustrates how they conspired to promote fear of communism, influence hiring and firing of University of California faculty, and punish those educators who did not support their project. Although it was rarely successful, Combs’ and Van Deman’s coordinated campaign reveals a story of public-private anticommunist collaboration in California that has been largely forgotten. Because Van Deman’s files are now finally open to researchers, Californians can gain a much more complete understanding of their state bureaucracy’s role in the Red Scare purges of California educators.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Sarmistha R. Majumdar

Fracking has helped to usher in an era of energy abundance in the United States. This advanced drilling procedure has helped the nation to attain the status of the largest producer of crude oil and natural gas in the world, but some of its negative externalities, such as human-induced seismicity, can no longer be ignored. The occurrence of earthquakes in communities located at proximity to disposal wells with no prior history of seismicity has shocked residents and have caused damages to properties. It has evoked individuals’ resentment against the practice of injection of fracking’s wastewater under pressure into underground disposal wells. Though the oil and gas companies have denied the existence of a link between such a practice and earthquakes and the local and state governments have delayed their responses to the unforeseen seismic events, the issue has gained in prominence among researchers, affected community residents, and the media. This case study has offered a glimpse into the varied responses of stakeholders to human-induced seismicity in a small city in the state of Texas. It is evident from this case study that although individuals’ complaints and protests from a small community may not be successful in bringing about statewide changes in regulatory policies on disposal of fracking’s wastewater, they can add to the public pressure on the state government to do something to address the problem in a state that supports fracking.


Punjab has emerged as an important rice-producing state in the country. The state with 1.53 percent of the geographical area of the country produces more than 11 percent of total rice production in the country. The production of rice in Punjab increased more than 10 times due to an increase in area and yield. The growth of a rice crop at such a high rate over 20 years in Punjab is indeed a rare phenomenon in the history of agricultural development in the world. Due to extensive cultivation of rice in Punjab, the state has been over-exploiting the groundwater, more than its recharge. Most of the tube-well dominated districts of the state, witnessed the fall in water table more than 20 to 30 cm per year. To dispose of the paddy straw, the farmers of Punjab generally opt for burning it. This practice of burning of paddy straw besides nutrient loss is posing a serious problem for the public health and transportation system. Rice has now become a problematic crop for Punjab state due to its ill effects on its natural resources, that is, the water and soil environmental degradation. The Punjab Agricultural University experts and other committees estimated that the total groundwater recharge from all sources can sustain/support only 16-17 lakh ha of paddy in Punjab. The area under the crop increased to 29 lakh ha which was unsustainable in the long run. The area under rice in Punjab should be stabilized at 16-17 lakh ha and the remaining paddy area should be shifted to other crops like pulses, oilseeds, maize, fruits, and vegetables, etc. requiringless water, to achieve proper water balance. Thus diversification of some area from paddy is in the interest of Punjab farmers, State government and the Central government for long term food security on a sustainable basis.


Author(s):  
Topher L. McDougal

In some cases of insurgency, the combat frontier is contested and erratic, as rebels target cities as their economic prey. In other cases, it is tidy and stable, seemingly representing an equilibrium in which cities are effectively protected from violent non-state actors. What factors account for these differences in the interface urban-based states and rural-based challengers? To explore this question, this book examines two regions representing two dramatically different outcomes. In West Africa (Liberia and Sierra Leone), capital cities became economic targets for rebels, who posed dire threats to the survival of the state. In Maoist India, despite an insurgent ideology aiming to overthrow the state via a strategy of progressive city capture, the combat frontier effectively firewalls cities from Maoist violence. This book argues that trade networks underpinning the economic relationship between rural and urban areas—termed “interstitial economies”—may differ dramatically in their impact on (and response to) the combat frontier. It explains rebel predatory tendencies toward cities as a function of transport networks allowing monopoly profits to be made by urban-based traders. It explains combat frontier delineation as a function of the social structure of the trade networks: hierarchical networks permit elite–elite bargains that cohere the frontier. These factors represent what might be termed respectively the “hardware” and “software” of the rural–urban economic relationship. Of interest to any student of political economy and violence, this book presents new arguments and insights about the relationships between violence and the economy, predation and production, core and periphery.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0739456X2199466
Author(s):  
Siu Wai Wong ◽  
Xingguang Chen ◽  
Bo-sin Tang ◽  
Jinlong Liu

A key theme in urban governance research is how neoliberalism reshapes the state–society relationship. Our study on Guangzhou, where urban regeneration through massive redevelopment of “villages-in-the-city” uncovered interactions between the state, market, and community in local governance, contributes to this debate. Based on intensive field research to analyze three projects, we find that what really controls neoliberal growth in China is not simply the authoritarian tradition of the socialist state but also the power of the indigenous village communities. Our findings suggest that state intervention for community building is vital for rebalancing power relations between the state, market, and community.


Author(s):  
Zhiyuan Chen ◽  
Christiaan Zeilstra ◽  
Jan van der Stel ◽  
Jilt Sietsma ◽  
Yongxiang Yang

AbstractIn order to understand the pre-reduction behaviour of fine hematite particles in the HIsarna process, change of morphology, phase and crystallography during the reduction were investigated in the high temperature drop tube furnace. Polycrystalline magnetite shell formed within 200 ms during the reduction. The grain size of the magnetite is in the order of magnitude of 10 µm. Lath magnetite was observed in the partly reduced samples. The grain boundary of magnetite was reduced to molten FeO firstly, and then the particle turned to be a droplet. The Johnson-Mehl-Avrami-Kolmogorov model is proposed to describe the kinetics of the reduction process. Both bulk and surface nucleation occurred during the reduction, which leads to the effect of size on the reduction rate in the nucleation and growth process. As a result, the reduction rate constant of hematite particles increases with the increasing particle size until 85 µm. It then decreases with a reciprocal relationship of the particle size above 85 µm.


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