scholarly journals National Planning Strategies for Agro-based Industrial Development in Secondary Cities of Sindh Province, Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (24) ◽  
pp. 7066 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saima Kalwar ◽  
Noman Sahito ◽  
Irfan Ahmed Memon ◽  
Jinsoo Hwang ◽  
Muhammad Yousif Mangi ◽  
...  

The aim of this study was to critically investigate the planning policy loopholes in five-year (7th and 8th) plans of Pakistan to develop agricultural-based industrial sectors in secondary cities of the Sindh Province, Pakistan. The study had conducted key informant interviews from agro-based industrial sectors to diagnose the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) of the 7th and 8th five-year plans. For that purpose, the study had conducted 30 key informant interviews by using the purposive sampling technique. The NVIVO software was used with content analysis method to get results of SWOT of 7th five-year (1988–1993) and 8th five-year (1993–1998) plans. The results revealed that high priority is given to the textile and sugar industries. However, there is an absence of planning policies for small and medium agricultural industries in secondary cities, fiscal reliance on central government, and reliance on foreign aid as weaknesses of the plans. Whereas the centralized planning system, political influence of federal government, weak agricultural infrastructure services in secondary cities, and cross-border war were the threats hampered in the execution of development plans. Considering these results, the study suggests development of planning policies in the five-year development plans to stimulate the agriculture industrial development in secondary cities and devolution of powers can help to achieve sustainable agricultural development.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiemeka Onyema

The goal of berthing Nigeria’s full-scale industrial revolution is yet to be achieved. All the industrial development plans have so far failed to accelerate the nation’s industrialization, hence the country’s low industrial base which has kept her in the league of developing nations. In fact, Nigeria has in recent times been experiencing deindustrialization, as several industries have collapsed and some others, such as Unilever and Michelin, have relocated to other countries. Several factors are responsible for Nigeria’s low industrial development and they include: inadequate infrastructure (particularly, energy), poor technological base, multiple taxes and levies, and, the shortage and high cost of foreign exchange. Despite a growing body of literature on industrialization in Nigeria, not much has been written about the link between Public Service Reforms and industrialization in Nigeria. This paper examines the links between the implementation of the Service Compact (SERVICOM) Charter and the achievement of Nigeria’s industrial development policies, especially the ‘Ease of Doing Business’ Policy. The paper makes the case that the goal of industrializing Nigeria will not be fully realised without an efficient Public Service. Furthermore, the paper highlights the need for Nigerian public servants to have the right work attitude, and to be morally upright and patriotic, in order to create a business-friendly environment and to build investor confidence, so as to facilitate and accelerate the country’s industrialization and overall national development. The author recommends that the Nigerian government should strengthen the implementation of the Servicom Charter and also incorporate the Charter into the industrialization plan.


1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 1443-1453
Author(s):  
Cut Maya Aprita Sari ◽  
Muhammad Suhail Ghifari ◽  
Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid

Purpose of the study: Within 10 years, the central government of Indonesia has granted the special autonomy fund to Aceh as a strategy to improve the welfare of Acehnese. Contrary, the special autonomy funds that cannot be implemented properly-affected to the poverty in Aceh-is not significantly decreased. This study aims to determine the failure of special autonomy funds to decrease poverty in Aceh. Methodology: This research used descriptive qualitative methods by conducting the primary data through interviews, also secondary data through books, journals, newspapers, and other related sources. The analysis data is doing by using Transactional Political Theory. Main Findings: The results of this study indicate that asymmetric decentralization can be seen from the weak Regional Economic Growth Rate and the slow improvement of the Quality of Human Development Index (HDI). Thus the failure was caused by two things, namely: the thick Political Content of The Local Political Elite and the Domination of Local Political Elite in the Management of Aceh's Special Autonomy Fund in the Compilation of Planning and Work Programs. The absence of control in the management of special autonomy funds is based on project performance without good planning, and the existence of interest-based planning in the management of special autonomy funds that based on populist activity programs following the wishes of politicians which have an impact on weak regional economic growth, slow index improvement of human development quality, high poverty rates, and high unemployment in Aceh. Applications of this study: The finding of this study offered the evaluation systems for the government of Aceh to strengthen better local government governance, especially in increasing budget planning and implementation efficiency and strengthening regulations, and implementing an e-planning system to select program activities from the Aceh special autonomy fund. Novelty/Originality of this study: Based on the literature review conducted, there were limited publications which are focusing on the failure of autonomy funds in Aceh. Therefore this research will enrich the publication that concerns the failure of managing special autonomy funds in Aceh.


2022 ◽  
pp. 231-253
Author(s):  
Danilo Piaggesi ◽  
Helena Landazuri ◽  
Bo Jia

Colombia's economy is the fourth largest in Latin America. Though there has been significant growth in modern industries, most industries are still driven by agriculture and commodities. The main challenges Colombian industries face include becoming more energy-efficient, modernizing processes and organizational structures, and reducing their environmental impact. In the meantime, the Republic of Korea has made significant efforts to fuel its economy through innovation, and there is also a similarity in terms of both countries' interest and commitment to use ICT as a basis for their growth. This chapter presents a project that is a pilot test of adaptive transfer of “green” ICT technology innovation developed by specialized agencies/private sector in the Republic of Korea, to be applied to a host of Colombian industrial sectors volunteering to participate with the purpose of improving production through environmentally friendly technology.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marion Roberts

The planning system was constrained by a neo-liberalist insistence on land-use planning in the 1980s and early 1990s, thereby providing the institutional framework for deregulation of the numbers, capacities and types of licensed premises in town and city centres. This had a direct impact on levels of crime, violence and anti-social behaviour. Criminologists have criticized planners for their complicity in this process. The article argues that entertainment uses have been marginal to the social and ecological preoccupations of the planning profession. It suggests that the reintroduction of spatial planning by the New Labour government has allowed planners to reassert social and environmental objectives into their development plans and potentially to introduce a greater degree of regulatory control. The article examines the changes to the planning system and its complex relation to licensing. Finally, it questions whether this new opportunity for planners to intervene will be realized in the current economic downturn.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Bogdan Florian

Abstract: ‘The combination of education with industrial production’ made the top 10 list of measures which have to be implemented in countries where the proletariat will raise as the ruling class, according to Marx’s Communist Manifesto. It is ranked at the end of the list of necessary steps to achieve a new social order, however it endured and, in a slightly modified form it even exists today in higher education reform strategies. To which extent has this ideological prescription been followed and inspired political measures? This paper aims at proposing a few steps in creating a theoretical framework for analysis of the role of higher education in the communist system. I will use an institutionalist approach to explore where higher education can be placed, in the larger context of the communist system. I will try and adapt to this topic the system paradigm proposed by János Kornai and explore higher education as a component of the larger communist system. Was it the universities’ mission to produce an able workforce for the industrial development? Was there another scientific or ideological mission equally important? How well did the communist central planning system perform in matching industrial demand and educational production? These are some key questions to which this exploration aims at finding a framework for answering.


Water Policy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Innocent Nhapi

Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, is facing water quantity and quality problems, with serious pollution of the downstream Lake Chivero. Often, these problems are attributed to rapid population growth, inadequate maintenance of wastewater treatment plants, expensive technologies and a poor institutional framework. Rampant urban agriculture could also result in washing off and leaching of nutrients. This paper brings out a number of issues related to sustainable water management in Harare. The study was based on key informant interviews, focus group discussions and a literature review. The results show that monitoring and enforcement of regulations in Harare is poor because of economic hardships and lack of political will to deal with offenders. Also, there is irregular collection of garbage, low fines owing to hyper-inflation and a general failure by the city to collect water and other charges from residents. The city has also failed to raise tariffs to economic levels owing to heavy lobbying by residents and interference by government. It was concluded that Harare cannot overcome its water-related problems under the current set-up. It is recommended that a corporatised body, free from political influence and with a higher degree of autonomy, be established to run the water services for Harare and the neighbouring towns. Such a body would need a sound and flexible system for setting tariffs and enacting/enforcing reasonable regulations.


Urban Studies ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (12) ◽  
pp. 2640-2659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix SK Agyemang ◽  
Nicky Morrison

Housing low-income households is a daunting task for policy makers across the Global South, and especially for those in Africa where past attempts to deliver State-funded affordable housing projects yielded minimal results. Presenting Ghana as a case study, the purpose of this article is to consider the rationale for and barriers to securing affordable housing through the planning system, situated within an African context. The key factors that would inhibit effective policy implementation include, on the one hand, a lack of central government commitment, weak enforcement of planning regulations and low capacity of local planning authorities, and, on the other hand, the dominance of customary land ownership and the informal nature of housing delivery. That notwithstanding, undertaking a mapping exercise of large-scale formal residential developments built across Greater Accra in recent years, the article suggests that there is an opportunity cost in not attempting to extract some form of economic rent from the private sector. By having an already established nationalised development rights system alongside a rising formal real estate market, there is in effect scope for introducing planning obligations in the longer term. Whilst by necessity, it takes time to fully establish and enforce this form of land value capture legislation; nonetheless, if the principles can be established, transferable lessons exist across Africa and the Global South.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Tawanda Nyikadzino ◽  
Alfred Gwarega Nhema

The area of centre-local relations in local government is a contemporary and topical debate in Zimbabwe. It was on this background that the research on centre-local relations was undertaken with a view to assessing the implications of service delivery in Chitungwiza Municipality (CM). The views of different authorities on centre-local relations were reviewed to further analyse the implications of centre-local relations on service delivery in municipalities. The study triangulated different data collection methods such as key informant interviews, documentary search, in-depth interviews, observation and survey to obtain detailed data on the state of centre-local relations and its implications on service delivery in CM. The findings of the study revealed that centre-local relations between the Ministry of Local Government and the CM are highly centralised. The parent ministry retains overall powers and control over the municipality. The Minister who is supposed to play a strategic role in policy formulation and implementation is involved in the day to day running of the municipality leaving little room for elected councillors and residents in general to determine their own destiny. It has been established that centre-local relations that are supposed to foster independence and autonomy of the municipality has turned into a master-subordinate relationship that has negatively affected service delivery. The study concluded that hyper-centralised governance relations are hindering effective service delivery in the municipality. This has been evidenced by erratic water supply, potholed roads, poor refuse collection and bursting of sewer pipes. The study recommends that the central government through the Ministry of Local Government must grant the municipality more autonomy as a measure of improving service delivery.    


1994 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Myerson ◽  
Yvonne Rydin

This paper contributes to the growing body of work on planning discourse. In the context of the current ‘greening’ of British land-use planning, it poses the question: “How is the term ‘environment’ articulated within planning discourse?” With the use of material from development plans and development-control decision letters, an analysis is made of the term ‘environment’ which distinguishes ‘mundane’ and ‘sublime’ interpretations. The function of the texts analysed is then related to the dominant meaning given to the term, This raises further questions concerning the current preoccupation with using the land-use planning system to implement environmental policy and identifies the problems of moving between strategic planning and detailed development-control levels, a problem reflected in and compounded by the distinct operation of planning discourse at the two levels.


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