scholarly journals Reaching the Hard-To-Reach with Civic Education on the European Union: Insights from a German Model Project

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Monika Oberle ◽  
Märthe-Maria Stamer

So-called “hard-to-reach” learners with a lower level of formal education have been identified as a “challenge” for civic education and have been neglected with regard to civic education in the past. However, these young people do deal with political processes that relate to their everyday lives; they simply do not perceive these processes as political. The same holds true for the topic of the European Union. To date, hardly any teaching concepts and learning materials for civic education on the European Union that are specially designed for hard-to-reach youth have been available. This paper discusses the relevance, challenges, and promising approaches used to address this severe deficit in the research and practice of civic education regarding the EU. It focuses on the situation in Germany and presents the Jean Monnet project “Junge Menschen erreichbar machen mit politischer Europabildung” (JUMPER). Here, workshops with a focus on the European Union are developed—specifically tailored to the needs of the target group, carried out with pupils in the vocational transition system, and accompanied by systematic evaluation. Finally, conclusions are drawn for civic education and research regarding hard-to-reach youth.

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (Special) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
IRIS WEBER ◽  
RICHARD KÖTTER

Political Excursions to Brussels on EU matters can be a very effective and important methods and format of civic education. Based on experience from practice, this can be the case in particular if they are conceived of, organised and implemented as in-situ seminars, which has been practised in over 40 seminars since 2004. The format we advocate and demonstrate here, with an early qualitative evaluation based on the literature and contrast to other practices and models, is one of an exemplary (by policy field), multi-perspective (different key institutions, players, actors and preferable nationalities on inputting participants or at least experts) approach which is conducted in-situ. This is, however, resource and planning intensive, and requires quite a high degree of experience and expertise, and is not a model which can be taken to a mass-produced regular repeat delivery. The learning and engagement of voluntary participants in non-formal education, in addition to (though at times in partnership with) formal education institutions - such as secondary schools or universities – is very significant and has been shown and evaluated to be of a high level of quality with significant nation-wide appeal in Germany and of staying power in the market for civic education. We also reflect on how this approach may be a basis for genuinely trans-national non-formal civic education in Europe on EU matters.


Author(s):  
Tetjana Humeniuk

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze topical issues of divergence of the Romano-Germanic and Anglo-American legal systems on the example of Brexit. Methodology. The methodology involves a comprehensive study of theoretical and practical material on this subject, as well as formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. The following methods of scientific cognition were used in the research process: dialectical, terminological, formal and logical, comparative and legal, system and functional methods. Results. The study found that an important role in resolving conflicts between EU law and UK national law was played by the Court of Justice of the European Union which declared British legislation invalid since it was not in line with EU law. Thanks to the case law of the CJEU and the national courts of the United Kingdom, it has been possible to adjust and harmonize the interaction between EU law and the national law of this country. As European integration is formed on the basis of a supreme legal force created by external (supranational) bodies, the national bodies that form the national rules of British law inevitably give up part of their powers in favor of EU law. Brexit is just the beginning of a long series of problematic issues that will arise in the EU as a result of member states’ more or less serious objections to a radical course to deepen European integration. And under such conditions, there is a widespread understanding that finding clear and effective answers to new challenges requires finding new conceptual (and most importantly, effective) approaches to the future functioning of the EU, as old mechanisms and methods no longer work properly and do not resolve contradictions spreading and becoming more acute. Scientific novelty. The study shows that the withdrawal of Britain from the European Union initiates a large-scale process of mutual transformation of the legal systems of both parties, the effectiveness of which will be determined by the realities of European geopolitical environment as well as domestic political processes within Great Britain itself. Practical importance. Research materials can be used for comparative law studies.


Author(s):  
S. P. Mitrakhovich

The article using “A Just Russia” case deals with the party strategies of the Russian left political forces for the creation of the relations with party structures of the European Union. Similar party strategy is at the same time a part of domestic policy and development of the Russian political processes, and at the same time, they are a part of the relationship with the European Union which is built up by Russia. Consequently, that is de facto a part of foreign policy activity. The novelty of the research consists in a combination of the research approaches used in a “partology” while considering a party to be a rational actor acting in conditions of a country political environment and the research approaches accepted in modern European studies. Parties act as internal political players, but at the same time and as contractors of foreign elite, in this case — party elite of the European Union, members of party groups of European Parliament, party Internationals, “the European parties” (earlier known under the term of “party at the European level”). From the Russian parliamentary political forces of several last electoral cycles “A Just Russia”, using a discourse of modern socialism, could establish more actively than others cooperation with European left, including influencing adoption of significant decisions in the EU, for example, on reform of the EU Gas Directive and the Third Energy Package of the EU. The party, through the prism of socialist ideology, is trying to bring together certain positions of the party elites of the Russian Federation and the EU, bringing differences on social avant-garde and identity politics out of the brackets. Therefore, it focuses recently on the problems of sanctions issues, considering its communication with the Party of European socialists and socialist groups in the European Parliament as another potentially popular diplomatic track for the country.


Author(s):  
John McCormick

The European Union (EU) has become a critical new actor on the global stage, containing twenty-seven member states (with more considering membership) and nearly 500 million people. With its origins in postwar efforts to promote peace, security, and economic reconstruction in Europe, the EU constitutes a new level of authority above that of the member states and has overseen the building of a European single market, the launch of the euro, and the development of common (or coordinated) policies on agriculture, the environment, trade, regional development, external relations, immigration, and a wide variety of other issues. But the jury is still out on the personality of the EU and the wisdom of European integration, some praising its achievements but others regarding it as undemocratic and a threat to the sovereignty of its member states. The literature on the EU has grown exponentially since the late 1980s, as scholars and other analysts struggle to understand both the dynamics and the implications of European integration. This entry offers a taste of the range of topics within the literature, with sections on the theory and principles of integration, the history of the EU, its major institutions, political processes, and key areas of policy activity.


Author(s):  
Daniel Mertens

This chapter examines the evolution of Germany’s Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW) within the EU. Presenting KfW as a key pillar of the German economic model that depends on export-led growth, the chapter traces the imprint that Europe’s largest NDB has left on the European field. Beginning in the 1990s, when the bank counseled and funded development banks in 14 transition countries in CEE countries, KfW became the first incumbent of the emerging field. Adapting itself to the incentives and constraints stemming from European integration during the 2000s, it continues to shape the field today with both the assertiveness of its financial firepower and business model, and the rationale of the reluctant but embedded hegemon that Germany is in the European Union.


Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrska

The author analyzes the political space of the EU as an environment of functioning of political objects and development of political processes, a system of political differences, which strengthen the political hierarchy in the organization and the differentiation of political positions. Legislation adopted at the supranational level should be implemented by member-states or, if it is a directive, converted into national legislation. It is proved that the political and institutional structure of the hierarchy in the EU is relatively weak; it is based not on the independence of European authority, but on selective and overly conditioned transfer of authority of States to supranational institutions; part of national sovereignty is delegated to the States, although the States are sovereign within the EU; national sovereignty is limited to a certain extent and this is a serious obstacle that prevents the development of the authority vertical in the EU. The author emphasizes that this leads to failures in compliance with the rules of hierarchical subordination. Negotiations and cooperation of EU institutions are more organized than at the state level, which indicates the EU as a «Treaty order» or «competitive order». After all, the functioning of the European Single Market creates a pressure of competition on economic entities and on States with their political and economic regimes. The author believes that the solution of problems depends on the clarity of decisions and actions of the EU, which should become more open to political competition. This will promote innovation, highlight developments with the EU and enable citizens to decide who rules in the EU and take sides in the political debate. Institutional reforms have already changed the EU to a more competitive political institution. This approach should take the main place in the development of the EU policy, at least in the short term. Keywords: European Union, political space, political process, European authority institutions.


Author(s):  
M.V. Buromenskiy ◽  
P.V. Otenko

Complex and comparative analysis of the election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission has been made from the date of creation of the High Authority within the European Coal and Steal Community until the establishment of the modern EU Commission in accordance with the last amendments that have been made by the Lisbon Treaty. It is proved that due to the entering into force of the Maastricht Treaty, sharpening of the «democratic deficit» problem and because of other political processes at the beginning of 1990’s within the European Communities, European Parliament obtained ample powers and leverage on the functioning, election and nomination procedure of Сommissioners and the President of the EU Commission. It is emphasized that election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission is sufficiently politicized and bureaucratized at the contemporary stage of the existence of the European Union. The definition of the phenomenon «politicization of the EU Commission» has been specified. It is outlined that the phenomenon of politicization of the EU Commission has both positive and negative consequences on the EU Commission and the EU as a whole. It is established that «politicization» of the EU Commission may cause disruption of the cornerstone principles on which the EU has been created, first of all those principles that are related to the theory of functionalism in International Law.


Author(s):  
V. V. Vorotnikov

As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union. 


Author(s):  
I. G. Kovalev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the consequences of the referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union. The causes that contributed to the radical transformation of political processes and crisis phenomena in the framework of European integration processes are revealed. It is noted that the crisis of the British model of democracy and the rise of “monitoring democracy”, as well as the constitutional reforms in the UK, which were not brought to a logical conclusion, influenced the effectiveness of political institutions. The range of new complex issues of constitutional, legal, financial, economic, social and humanitarian nature that need to be addressed in the context of brexit is determined.The features of the development and implementation of the strategies of the United Kingdom and the European Union on the negotiation process are considered. The most important stages of negotiations on the problem of developing an agreement defining the conditions and principles of relations between the parties in the post-brexit period are studied. Particular attention is paid to the key controversial issues - the implementation of the financial obligations of the United Kingdom to the EU, guarantees the rights of EU citizens and their families living in the UK, as well as the preservation of the free movement of people, goods, services and capital between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.The author analyzes internal and external factors that have a direct impact on the course of the dialogue, arguments and counter-arguments of the parties, the reasons for the change in the positions of the United Kingdom and EU leaders on key issues of cooperation in the new historical conditions. There is a deep split between British society and the main political forces of the country on the issue of withdrawal from the EU. The factors that led the UK to a serious political crisis and the inability to develop an adequate and effective brexit strategy are considered.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document