scholarly journals Social and Political Attitudes of Moscow Students on the Background of the All-Russia and Regional Youth Studies

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Tatiana Litvinova ◽  
Olga Vershinina ◽  
Gennady Moskvitin
Keyword(s):  
Structural Model ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Personal Values ◽  
Age Factors ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Youth Studies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
Four Levels ◽  
The Public Sphere

The purpose of the article is to study the socio-political attitudes of Moscow students, which determine their life strategies in the public sphere. An empirical basis for the study was the sociological survey of students of three universities in Moscow (n = 768). The questionnaire was partially based on Milton Rokeach’s terminal personal values indicators and the methodology of studying political culture of Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, adapted to a Russian context. The survey data operationalization let us represent a structural model of socio-political attitudes of Moscow students, which consists of indicators of four levels: value, emotional, cognitive, and strategic. The results showed that students in Moscow share the values and patriotic feelings of the elder generations. The influence of gender and age factors was most pronounced on the level of personal values. Despite of the field of their study, students in Moscow can be described as quite energetic and optimistic young citizens, equally family and career oriented with not a high interest in politics and weak political activity. Authors discussed their main findings with the results of previously obtained all-Russian and regional youth studies.

Corporate Politics in the Public Sphere: Corporate Citizenspeak in a Mass Media Policy Contest

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Nyberg ◽  
John Murray
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Mining Industry ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Corporate Political Activity ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized corporate political activity, which undermined deliberation about the common good. The findings explain how the public sphere is refeudalized through corporate manipulation of deliberative processes via what we term corporate citizenspeak—simultaneously speaking as corporate citizens and for individual citizens. Corporate citizenspeak illustrates the duplicitous engagement of firms as political actors, claiming political legitimacy while subverting deliberative norms. This contributes to the theoretical development of corporations as political actors by explaining how corporate interests are aggregated to represent the common good and how corporate political activity is employed to dominate the public sphere. This has important implications for understanding how corporations undermine democratic principles.

The Digital Citizen

2008 ◽  
pp. 108-115
Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.

The role of social movements leading to the emergence of women public intellectuals

2019 ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Ann Brooks
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Public Intellectuals ◽  
The Public ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Print Industry

This chapter addresses the significance of social movements in accelerating women into the public sphere as public intellectuals. Indeed, the role of social movements was important in defining women public intellectuals politically. The growth of social movements has to be set alongside the expansion of higher education for women, as well as the expansion of the print industry. This led to an expansion and broadening of the base of women's participation in political activity, particularly around specific campaigns and causes. Women were actively involved, individually and collectively, in a number of campaigns prior to the emergence of the suffrage movement. Ultimately, the intersection of gender and class was an important factor leading to the growth of both political activism and, more specifically, the emergence of the suffragettes and later women's liberation movement (WLM). Analysis shows that the motivation of most women was pragmatic and issue based as opposed to ideological. Issue-based politics covered all social classes and thus brought women together in social activism and within social movements.

Rethinking Arendt’s Theory of Necessity: Humanness as ‘Way of Life’, or: the Ordinary as Extraordinary

2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Lechte
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Asylum Seekers And Refugees ◽  
People Today

If genuine political activity can only be undertaken by citizens in the public sphere in a nation-state, what of stateless people today – asylum seekers and refugees cut adrift on the high seas? This is what is at stake in Hannah Arendt’s political theory of necessity. This article reconsiders Arendt’s notion of the Greek oikos (household) as the sphere of necessity with the aim of challenging the idea that there is a condition of necessity or mere subsistence, where life is reduced to satisfying basic biological needs. For Arendt, the Greek oikos is the model that provides the inspiration for her theory because necessity activities were kept quite separate from action in the polis. The ordinary and the undistinguished happen in the oikos and its equivalent, with the polis being reserved for extraordinary acts done for glory without any regard for life. The exclusionary nature of this theory of the polis as action has, at best, been treated with kid gloves by Arendt’s commentators. With reference to Heidegger on the polis and Agamben’s notion of oikonomia, I endeavour to show that the so-called ordinary is embedded in a way of life that is extraordinary and the key to grasping humanness.

Socrates as a ‘Radical’ Politician

2018 ◽  
pp. 177-181
Author(s):  
Yuji Kurihara
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Contradictory Statement

In Plato’s early dialogues Socrates seems to make a contradictory statement about politics. In the Apology he denies his commitment to political activity in Athens, whereas in the Gorgias he declares that he is the only politician in his time, using the ‘true political craft’. How can we understand his prima facie contradictory statement? In this paper, I aim to answer this question by showing that Socrates is a ‘radical’ politician in democratic Athens, who keeps prompting each individual to care for the soul and the truth. For this aim, I first clarify usual ‘political’ activities in Athens in terms of the public-private dichotomy. Then, I elucidate the political meaning of Socrates’ philosophy in “the semi-public sphere” that he discovers for his politics between the public sphere (e.g., the Assembly and the courts) and the private sphere (e.g., the oikos). In the semi-public sphere, such as the Agora, Socrates helps his fellow citizens establish their true selves, independently of ‘the politics of reputation’. Finally, I conclude that Socrates’ statement about politics is not self-contradictory, although Plato has Socrates pointing out the important use of ‘the true rhetoric’ in the presence of many people.

The Digital Citizen

2011 ◽  
pp. 315-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z. Papacharissi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.

Casting the ‘Other’

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Poggio
Keyword(s):  
System Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Symbolic Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
The Public ◽  
Labour Market Participation ◽  
The Public Sphere

In the past century the presence of women in the “public sphere” has increased considerably as a result of, amongst other things, the rapid increase in their levels of schooling, professional competences and labour market participation. Much more limited and slower, by contrast, has been the entry of women into the centers of decision-making and power. This paper proposes reflection on gender citizenship in political arenas, which are precisely those in which action to sensitize and change the broader social context should be undertaken. In order to understand and change gender models in the political-institutional system, analysis is required of how gender is defined and constructed in the specific arenas in which the political careers of individuals are planned and promoted. The paper presents some findings of qualitative research which collected the narratives of men and women — belonging to different Italian political alignments and occupying different positions and roles — relative to their political career paths and the discourses with which they accounted for female under-representation. The analysis of the texts collected allowed light to be shed on the discursive practices, symbols, meanings and sexed images with which the symbolic gender order is created and reproduced. Highlighted in particular are the gender positioning performed through the narratives, and the tendency to cast women in the role of the “Other” with respect to the political system. Viewed from this perspective, political arenas are theatrical stages on which gendered knowledge is created and disseminated. It is evident in particular that the symbolic order of gender and the models of the discursive construction of gender characteristic of the cultures analyzed tend to reproduce an image of political activity as a male preserve, where otherness entails marginalization and/or subordination.

scholarly journals The positive and negative impact of appearance on various spheres of life – the opinions of women and men of different ages

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-102
Author(s):  
Julita Czernecka
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Interpersonal Relationships ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
Different Ages ◽  
Femininity And Masculinity ◽  
The Public Sphere

The aim of the article is to present the results of a study addressing the issue of the positive and negative influence of appearance in the context of private and professional life. The publication is based on qualitative research on attitudes towards the appearance of women and men of different ages. The way of thinking about appearance depends on the conditions of the gendered age – i.e. the gender and age of the respondents. For women, appearance plays an important role in both the public and private spheres, while men have placed greater importance on it in the public sphere. While women still seem to attribute a greater role to physical appearance, more and more men are beginning to see this as a key aspect in interpersonal relationships. On the basis of the research we can observe the coexistence of two models of “femininity” and “masculinity”: patriarchal and androgynous. Sometimes in the same generation there are contradictory internal attitudes towards appearance. In the youngest generation, the process of unifying attitudes towards appearance is noticeable – attractive appearance is perceived by young men and women as one of the key human capital resources.

Older Women and Leisure in Singapore

1997 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 649-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEGGY TEO
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Older Women ◽  
Leisure Activities ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The Public ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
The Third ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
The Public Sphere

The leisure of older women is subject to prejudices of both ageism and sexism. Gender roles and identities lock women into leisure which is experienced mostly within the confines of the home. The lack of material resources also limits their ability to undertake a wider range, as well as a greater number, of leisure activities within the public sphere outside the home. These conditions become emphasised in the more mature years of a woman's life, such that leisure expectations that are assumed for the Third Age seldom materialise. In the study of older women in Singapore, it was found that many engaged in home-bound activities and where these extended into public spaces, the activities conformed to gender and age expectations and according to material resources. The paper argues that leisure, especially for older women, must be contextualised; it requires an understanding of how social ideologies construct gender and age identities and roles, and therefore shape the leisure outcomes and spaces in which they are carried out.

scholarly journals Paradygmat analiz ubóstwa i wykluczenia społecznego

2021 ◽  
pp. 11-19
Author(s):  
Piotr Broda-Wysocki
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Scientific Analysis ◽  
Adequate Definition ◽  
Four Levels ◽  
The Public Sphere

Poverty and social exclusion are notions present in the public sphere, as well as in scientific analysis. Their application is usually not accompanied by adequate definition. This article formulates the thesis that there is one (it is debatable) complex paradigm of poverty and social exclusion. It consists of four levels (called as paradigm elements in this article): (1) history and culture, (2) political concepts, (3) new concepts and attempts of their operationalisation, and (4) discursiveness. This division is based on the multidisciplinary criterion, which means that it may not be quite precise. The development of potential effective programmes to combat poverty and social exclusion requires prior (conceptually appropriate and taking into account their complex nature) defining these phenomena.

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