scholarly journals Representing Women’s Interests in Japan’s Civil Society

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Sae Okura

Japan has witnessed marginalization and underrepresentation of women in its civil society. This study examines its extent. It also explores who in Japan’s civil society represent women’s interests by using survey data from civil society organizations. This study reveals that civil society organizations are generally led by male leaders, and around half of their staff are male. It also indicates that the number of organizations representing women’s interests is limited, with only 2.2% representing women’s interests. Interestingly, the central actors representing women’s interests include economic and business groups, political groups, labor groups, and civic groups including women’s groups.

2021 ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Amanda Clayton

Chapter 7 examines how women’s entry into politics, their campaigning, and their legislating interact. Rather than considering each stage in isolation, Clayton demonstrates that the candidate selection processes covered in Parts I and II of the book shape what is possible once women are elected to public office. Drawing on extensive interviews with women legislators and civil society leaders in Namibia and Uganda, Clayton investigates how electoral systems and related candidate selection processes facilitate or impede the formation of meaningful, institutionalized alliances among women MPs. While Uganda has an active women’s parliamentary caucus that supports women MPs and pushes for legislation on issues of particular concern for women, cross-party cooperation among Namibian women is rare and the women’s caucus moribund. Consequently, women’s civil society organizations in Uganda find important allies in parliament, while women’s groups in Namibia do not.


Author(s):  
Adrineh Gregorian

The work of women’s groups and organizations in conflict zones is underestimated and underresourced, yet these groups continue to be a voice of the marginalized. By examining the case of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, this chapter seeks to demonstrate how women’s role in peacebuilding is pivotal and should not be trivialized. Women have proven to be more nonviolent, they have differentiated needs in conflict, and they are more successful at utilizing out-of-the-box methods. When official top-down approaches fail women, civil society organizations step in to fill the gaps. Whereas formal negotiation tactics often seem to be fruitless, out-of-the-box tools are created to develop connections and safe spaces to share, listen, and build empathy. These steps should not be overlooked; instead, they underscore that women’s inclusion in peace processes is imperative.


Author(s):  
Andrew Stritch

Since the 1980s, policy advisory systems in Canada have become more open and accessible to inputs from civil society groups. However, the capacity to exploit this new openness is not evenly distributed within civil society. Based on survey data from Canadian business associations, this chapter argues that business groups have generally endowed themselves with impressive capacities for policy analysis and advice, and that these capacities have increased over the last decade or so. Business associations have commonly made a significant and sustained commitment to this endeavour, whether using in-house personnel or external resources, and have developed strong analytical means for providing governments with policy advice. To the extent that this capacity is unmatched by other sections of civil society, the greater openness of policy advisory systems may not reflect a new era of genuine pluralism, but reinforce existing biases in civil society.


Author(s):  
Chadwick F. Alger

This article discusses the changing face of multilateralism. It emphasizes the need for pluralizing the voices heard in UN deliberations and taking the Charter Preamble's call more seriously. It shows that multilateralism has gone through a process of continual change throughout the history of the United Nations, and stresses the possibility that this dynamic process will continue well into the future. The article also reiterates the importance of getting involved in civil society organizations, local groups, and business groups, which would help change unconscious participants to conscious participants in international society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1249-1270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederik Heylen ◽  
Bert Fraussen ◽  
Jan Beyers

Communities of civil society organizations are characterized by substantial volatility, as new organizations are continuously established and old ones are regularly disbanded. This article aims to improve our understanding of the dynamic nature of civil society by focusing on a particular aspect of organizational maintenance, namely, mortality anxiety. Building upon previous work that assesses actual and perceived survival chances of civil society organizations, we examine how inter-organizational competition, ties with public authorities, and the internal institutionalization of civil society organizations shape how these groups assess their survival chances. Our results demonstrate that high levels of inter-organizational competition and a strong reliance on government funding significantly increase mortality anxiety. Furthermore, they highlight the importance of a professionalized and internally differentiated structure. We rely on survey data and focus on the case of Belgium, in this way providing a first assessment of mortality anxiety in a neo-corporatist political system.


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqui Bauer

ABSTRACTIn 2005, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf defeated George Weah to become President of Liberia and the first woman elected to head an African country. Women voters were widely credited with her victory. This paper quantifies this claim by analysing newspaper content during the election period to gauge civil society group activity. It finds that consistency in their activities may have allowed women's groups to surpass other civil society groups in impacting the election. Activity levels of women's groups remained stable between the election and run-off periods, unlike other major group types whose activity level dropped by between 37% and 70%. It concludes that the environment surrounding the 2005 election was conducive to participation by women because of their existing, latent power in many spheres; their long experience as peacebuilders; the decimation of conventional social and political structures; Liberian women's experience in leadership positions; the failure of multiple male-dominated efforts; and the presence of a well-qualified female candidate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-273
Author(s):  
Sofa Marwah

This paper aims to elaborate on women participation on politic populist development and expansion of support by the strength of women's groups as representatives of civil society. This study uses literature study methods to discover various data related to women's figures and women's group dedication in the context of civil society, sourced from journal and preliminary study results. The results of the study indicate that women participate in the practice of populism associated with men in cultivating the issues of populism and are received by the general public. Even women's contribution to society tends to be closer to welfare issues that are echoed in populist politics. When the populism politics need to expand in the context of the wider society, women are also present and have been there for a long time dedicating their lives on social welfare issues. The implication, it is necessary to see women contributions are as important as men in the practice of populist politics, not only at the level of the political elite but also in the life of the wide society. Women's groups are able to fill spaces that are not filled by the state, i.e. socio-economic spaces, wherever women are.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


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