scholarly journals Higher Education as a Bridge between China and Nepal: Mapping Education as Soft Power in Chinese Foreign Policy

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Priya Gauttam ◽  
Bawa Singh ◽  
Vijay Kumar Chattu
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Education ◽  
Education System ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Chinese Investment ◽  
Educational Aid ◽  
Cultural Dialogue

In this globalized world, education has become an important medium to enhance people-to-people contact. The Delores report of the International Commission on Education for the 21st century highlights the enormous potential of higher education to use globalization as a resource for bridging the knowledge gap and enriching cross-cultural dialogue. As a major contributor to soft power and an important field of public diplomacy, international education can have a wealth of advantages, including the ability to generate commercial value, promote a country’s foreign policy goals and interests, and contribute to economic growth and investment. The People’s Republic of China, well-known for being the world’s most populous nation and the global economic powerhouse, prioritizes the internationalization of the country’s higher education system. China is looking to expand its higher education program and carry out its diplomatic project in South Asia. In this sense, the South Asian zone, especially Nepal, is significant for China, where its educational diplomacy is playing as a “bridge between Sino- Nepal relations.” In this review, we describe the place and priority of “Education” in China’s foreign policy; explore China’s mediums of investment in Nepal’s education sector; and highlight the importance of educational aid in Sino-Nepal relations. Chinese educational aid to Nepal takes many forms, where Nepali students and officials engage with Chinese investment to enhance their career prospects and the education system in Nepal.

Network Analysis of the Integration Level of the Universities Participating in Project 5-100 in the International Higher Education Area

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (11) ◽  
pp. 155-167
Author(s):  
P. A. Zhdanov ◽  
N. A. Polikhina ◽  
E. Yu. Sema ◽  
L. V. Kazimirchik ◽  
I. B. Trostyanskaya ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Network Analysis ◽  
International Education ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Education System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
International Higher Education ◽  
Scientometric Analysis ◽  
Higher Education System ◽  
The Russian Federation

The paper analyzes measures adopted by the Russian Federation on internationalization and globalization of the higher education system, its integration into the international scientific and education area. One of the initiatives of the authorities of the Russian Federation in this direction is Project 5-100, designed to increase the competitiveness of both a selected group of universities and the Russian higher education system as a whole. Among the successful practices of Project 5-100, one can identify the presentation of a single stand of participating universities at the international education exhibitions APAIE, EAIE, NAFSA. Within this study, we explore the cooperation of the universities participating in Project 5-100 with potential international partners at global educational exhibitions by means of network analysis with graphs. The effectiveness of such cooperation from the point of view of integration of the universities from this group into the international higher education area is determined through estimations of the usefulness of participation in such events made by the universities and through scientometric analysis. As a result of this study, it was revealed that active participation in international educational exhibitions including negotiating, establishing contacts with international partners, contributes significantly to the promotion of the universities participating in Project 5-100 in the international arena.

scholarly journals Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Blues: Powering BRI Research Back on Track to Avoid Choppy Seas

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The Road ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Maritime Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
On The Road

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.

Priorities in internationalization of the Japan’s higher education system of the state level

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Lamasheva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Capacity Building ◽  
Education System ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
State Level ◽  
Internationalization Of Higher Education ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Skilled Migration ◽  
Higher Education System

Referring to four strategies of internationalization of higher education, suggested by the Organization for economic cooperation and development, Japan’s strategy is traditionally called mutual understanding approach, aiming mainly at the cultural diplomacy and spreading “soft power” around the globe. However, in modern Japan other strategies may become more important, such as skilled migration approach or capacity building approach. The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the reasons for different strategies in internationalization of higher education in Japan. It is argued that both skilled migration approach and capacity building approach are implemented, while the revenue-generating approach is not.

Turkey’s Islamic Public Diplomacy in the Post-Davutoğlu Era: Neo-Ottomanism, Humanitarianism and the Legitimation of Hamas after the Arab Spring

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Hae Won Jeong
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Turkish Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Arab Spring

Summary What are the public diplomacy strategies for legitimising a pro-Islamist foreign policy? This research unveils how Turkey, which has been a vocal supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates across the Middle East since the Arab Spring, draws on pan-Islamic soft power, neo-Ottoman myth-making and public diplomacy strategies embedded in the precepts of the strategic depth doctrine to rationalise its pro-Hamas foreign policy position under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). By employing critical discourse analysis to the political speeches delivered by the Turkish government officials in domestic and international fora, this article suggests that Turkey has sought to legitimise its pro-Islamist foreign policy and subvert the terrorist designation of Hamas internationally through the humanitarian, Islamic and neo-Ottoman framings of the Palestinian issue. It is argued that Turkey’s public diplomacy of Hamas constitutes part and parcel of the AKP’s grand strategy to project Islamic soft power.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF CONFUCIAN VALUES ON CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PERIOD OF “REFORMS AND OPENNESS”

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The State ◽  
Confucian Values ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.

6. Obama and smart power 1

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Information Age ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Global Information ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
Power Resources

This chapter examines Barack Obama’s foreign policy agenda. The Obama administration referred to its foreign policy as ‘smart power’, which combines soft and hard power resources in different contexts. In sending additional troops to Afghanistan, his use of military force in support of a no-fly zone in Libya, and his use of sanctions against Iran, Obama showed that he was not afraid to use the hard components of smart power. The chapter first considers power in a global information age before discussing soft power in U.S. foreign policy. It then explains how public diplomacy came to be incorporated into American foreign policy and concludes by highlighting problems in wielding soft power.

8. The twenty-first century and smart power

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Information Age ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
First Century ◽  
Global Information ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
Twenty First Century

This chapter examines US foreign policy as ‘smart power’, a combnation of hard and soft power, in the twenty-first century. The beginning of the twenty-first century saw George W. Bush place a strong emphasis on hard power, as exemplifed by the invasion and occupation of Iraq. This was evident after 9/11. While the war in Iraq showcased America’s hard military power that removed a tyrant, it failed to resolve US vulnerability to terrorism; on the contrary, it may have increased it. The chapter first considers the Obama administration’s reference to its foreign policy as ‘smart power’ before discussing Donald Trump’s ‘America First’ policy, the role of power in a global information age, soft power in US foreign policy, and how public diplomacy has been incorporated into US foreign policy.

scholarly journals India’s Public Diplomacy in the Twenty-First Century: Components, Objectives and Challenges

2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Arijit Mazumdar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Nation Branding ◽  
First Century ◽  
International Exchange ◽  
International Broadcasting ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Rising Power

In recent years, several countries have made sustained efforts to project their ‘soft power’ abroad. Public diplomacy has been an important tool for this purpose. Public diplomacy involves activities usually undertaken by a national government to inform and influence foreign public opinion and attitudes in order to advance its foreign policy goals. Such activities include ‘nation-branding’, diaspora outreach, digital engagement, international broadcasting, and international exchange programmes, all of which are designed to promote a positive image and reputation of the country to a global audience. This paper discusses the role of public diplomacy in the service of India’s foreign policy goals during the twenty-first century. The practice of public diplomacy helps the country achieve two significant objectives. First, it helps allay any active or dormant fears within the international community about India as a rising power. Second, it helps India compete with other countries as it seeks to boost foreign tourist arrivals, attract foreign investment and secure new markets for its exports in an era of globalisation. This paper also briefly discusses some of the challenges associated with India’s use of public diplomacy.

scholarly journals India's New Public Diplomacy

Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1089-1110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hall
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The Past ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
New Public

Abstract Over the past decade, India has invested significant resources in public diplomacy, using traditional and new approaches to build and leverage its soft power. This article examines the reasons for this investment, the various forms of public diplomacy India employs, and the effectiveness of its efforts to shape public opinion. It finds that Indian investment in public diplomacy is partly a response to concerns about the perceived growth of Chinese soft power and partly a function of changed beliefs in the foreign policy-making elite about the uses of new social media. It also finds that India's new public diplomacy seems to have met with some––albeit patchy––success in augmenting its soft power.

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