scholarly journals Political Islam: More than Islamism

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Jocelyne Cesari

Political Islam and Islamism are terms used interchangeably to describe Islamic parties and movements that have risen to preeminence since the 1960s in opposition to “secular” states [...]

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-360
Author(s):  
Azis Arifin ◽  
Didin Saepudin

This article aimed to reveal the periodization of political  and cultural Islam in Indonesia from time to time. In its development, political and cultural Islam had become an entity that hadattracted the attention of academics in Indonesia. Both types of Islam have always been part of the history of this nation. Therefore, the periodization of the rounds needs to be disclosed in a neat and measurable manner. This research was qualitative using a historical approach, and the existing data were presented in a descriptive analytical manner. The primary data of the research covered the statutes and bylaw of Islamic parties, such as Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII), Masyumi Party, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), while the secondary data were documents of works of Indonesian authors, journals, and online news or articles. The results revealed that the periodization of Indonesian political and cultural Islam started from pre-independence to post-reformation. PSII, Masyumi Party, PPP, PKS and PBB respectively were examples of political Islam that were established in their era. Meanwhile, cultural Islam was patronized by Jam'iyyat al-Khair, Al-Irsyad, Muhammadiyah, Persis and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both types and groups of the Islam basically had the same goal, namely to carry out Sharia. Therefore, for the political and cultural Islam, the power and sympathy of the people seemed to support the realization of this goal.


Author(s):  
Pinar Kemerli

Treating modern terrorism discourse as an important political problem in the history of Western legal theorizing and national security policy, this chapter examines the impact of the end of the Cold War and September 11 on political debates on terrorism at the United Nations. Surveying the framing of Palestinian terrorism at the General Assembly and Security Council between the 1960s and late 2000s, it argues that the disavowal of the legitimacy of non-sovereign political violence at the end of the Cold War, and the association of political Islam with terrorism following September 11 have facilitated the discursive construction of a universal enemy in the image of the “Islamist terrorist.” The chapter shows that this discursive formation is laden with, and thus perpetuates, politically significant normative presumptions that are related to anxieties concerning sacrificial violence with which political Islam is widely associated.


Author(s):  
Anne Wolf

Political Islam in Tunisia uncovers the secret history of Tunisia’s main Islamist movement, Ennahda, from its origins in the 1960s to the present. Banned until the popular uprisings of 2010-11 and the overthrow of Ben Ali’s dictatorship, Ennahda has until now been impossible to investigate. This is the first in-depth account of the movement: one of Tunisia’s most influential political actors.Based on more than four years of field research, over 400 interviews, and access to private archives, Anne Wolf masterfully unveils the evolution of Ennahda’s ideological and strategic orientations within changing political contexts and, at times, conflicting ambitions amongst its leading cadres. She also explores the challenges to Ennahda’s quest for power from both secularists and Salafis. As the first full history of Ennahda, this book is a major contribution to the literature on Tunisia, Islamist movements, and political Islam in the Arab world.


Author(s):  
Ayhan Kaya

The discussion on the relevance of the “inclusion-moderation” thesis to Islamist parties has always been very stimulating. The rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) in Turkey has so far attracted the attention of the international community in a period riven with the intensification of a civilizational discourse on a global scale since the early 2000s. The main premise of the study is that the “inclusion-moderation” thesis is not very relevant for the Islamists in Turkey. Rather, an “exclusion-moderation” thesis has been more relevant for Islamists’ experiences since the 1960s. AKP was established in 2001 as an offspring of traditional oppositional political Islam in Turkey, which is renowned as the “National Outlook” movement. The name of the party very successfully addressed the two missing elements of the Turkish state and society: “justice” and “development.” The party came to power in 2002 in the aftermath of the one of the most devastating economic crises to hit the country: that of 2001. Starting with a very democratic, inclusive, cohesive, liberal, universalist, and fair political discourse, the party gradually became more and more anti-democratic, authoritarian, populist, polarizing, neo-Ottomanist, and Islamist, at the expense of liberal, secular, non-Sunni, non-Muslim, and other oppositional social groups. Election declarations (seçim beyannameleri) as well as the speeches of the party leaders will be discursively analyzed to find out whether there has been any behavioral moderation in the AKP before or after they came to power. The same documents and speeches will be scrutinized to understand whether there is ideological moderation in the party. The focus will be on the latter to detect the ways in which the AKP leadership has so far deployed an Islamist ideology, which has lately become coupled with a populist political style.


Poligrafi ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 177-200
Author(s):  
Ozge Onay

This paper critically examines the diminishing agency of the first-urbanised Alevi generation vis- à-vis the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and their sectarian agenda mediated by political Islam. The conceptual position is underpinned by Foucault’s concept of governmentality and theory of agency in broader cultural terms. These theoretical frameworks interweave to present a rich and complex set of snapshots that document the first-urbanised Alevi generation’s decreasing possibilities of action in the urban context. Accordingly, the empirical data that informs this piece has been collected by a series of qualitative and semi-structured interviews with the first-urbanised Alevi generation, children of those who migrated to urban areas in the 1960s and wittingly or unwittingly kept their identities undisclosed to varying degrees. Those interviewed come from a range of different professional backgrounds, with the only common point being that they have spent their childhoods and adult years in Istanbul, Turkey. Through a close engagement with the empirical material, this paper addresses the effects of the AKP’s Sunnification process centring around political Islam on the first generation urbanised Alevis and to what extent the systemic nature of this process attenuates or takes away their agency in the urban context. The account is focused around three key themes including daily life, institutional forms of discrimination and the workplace.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-130
Author(s):  
Adi Fadilah

This paper deals with Islam in Indonesia through two great discourses: Political Islam and Cultural Islam. I try to explore the history and tranformation of both by library research from before independence until after New Order called reformation era. By using descriptive-analyses method, this paper concludes that the dynamic of the two poles was going on and also being actual around the society. The group of Political Islam with its vote through Islamic Parties wants to make Islam as an ideological principle and Indonesia as a religious country. Meanwhile, the group of Cultural Islam with the spirit of d’awa which want to realize Islam as the diffused values of live with the culture and also anti-sectarianism rejects the concept of Political Islam.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ahmad Khoirul Umam ◽  
Akhmad Arif Junaidi

The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political Islam‟s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‟ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


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