scholarly journals Specters of Mob in David Cronenberg’s Eastern Promises

Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Gerd Bayer

This article situates David Cronenberg’s film Eastern Promises in the context of post-Cold-War European narratives. It argues that the secret dealings of the Russian mob in London are presented in the film as the uncanny and spectral return of forms of government and business that run counter to the rationale conventionally associated with democratic capitalism and at the same time reveal much about its inherent logic. Cronenberg’s film connects private traumata with the violent reality of globalization, staging one as the ghostly realization of the other.

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-136
Author(s):  
Sehar Mushtaq ◽  

Liberal peacebuilding, a dominant form of peacebuilding since the post-Cold War era, has involved multifaceted approaches, countless resources, multiple actors and significant efforts and yet, because of its standardized model and exclusion of local culture, resources and actors it has failed to achieve sustainable peace and development. Local peacebuilding practices, on the other hand, are mostly inclusive and culturally relevant but are not immune to power abuse, exclusion and inhumane practices. This essay explores the possibility of utilizing hybrid peacebuilding—collaboration of local and international actors and resources—to attain sustainable peace in conflict-ridden countries. It commences with a critique of liberal peacebuilding. It then analyzes the notion of hybridity and hybrid peacebuilding, and seeks to answer why hybrid peacebuilding seems to be an emancipatory alternative to liberal peacebuilding.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Cristol

International relations (IR) theory is difficult to define. It is often taught as a theory that seeks both to explain past state behavior and to predict future state behavior. However, even that definition is contested by many theorists. Traditional IR theories can generally be categorized by their focus either on humans, states, or on the state system as the primary source of conflict. Any bibliography of international relations theory is bound to create controversy among its readers. Why did the author choose one theory and not the other? Why did the author choose one source and not the other? Indeed, a wide variety of permutations would be perfectly valid to provide the researcher with an adequate annotated bibliography, so why were these particular entries chosen? This article identifies Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism as the three major branches of IR theory. These three branches have replaced the earlier realism-idealism dichotomy. The “English School” could be considered part of any of the aforementioned three branches, and its placement in the IR theory world is the subject of some debate. It has therefore been given its own section and is not included in any of the other sections. Critical IR theory and Feminist IR theory are often considered part of constructivism; however, there is much debate over whether they constitute their own branches, and so they are included in this article (as well as in their own entries in the OBO series), though the sources are somewhat different. Post–Cold War IR Theory is given its own heading because there are a number of theories that were proposed in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War that are still widely taught and discussed in the field. Perhaps the most controversial inclusion is that of Neoconservatism. Though it is quite possible to mount a case for it to be considered a theory of US foreign policy, it is theoretically distinct from other IR theories (the belief in bandwagoning instead of balancing). The final three sections are included to show how political theory has influenced IR theory, and how history and foreign policy have influenced IR theory (and vice versa). The included sections and citations represent both the mainstream of IR theory and those nonmainstream theories that have just started to break into the mainstream of IR theory. This article provides a starting point for both the beginning and the serious scholar of international relations theory.


2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 885-907
Author(s):  
MOHAMMAD SHAHABUDDIN

AbstractAs a concept, ‘ethnicity’ has been informing the notions of the ‘self’ as well as the ‘other’ since antiquity. While in ancient Greek it referred to the ‘other’ in a derogatory sense, in the Romantic literature of the nineteenth century, ethnicity came to depict the self-image of the nation. Although, in contrast, the liberal self-image refers to ethnicity only in the instrumental sense (as a tool for regulation without attributing any real value to the notion), ethnicity remains salient in both the liberal and conservative versions of nationalism to identify the backward ‘other’ – the minority – within the nation. Against the backdrop of the nineteenth-century discourse on ethnicity, this paper explores how the notion of ethnicity having the image of ‘otherness’ as well as ‘backwardness’ shapes the liberal perception of ‘minority’ and ‘minority protection’ in the post-Cold War context in three different ways. First, I argue that ethnicity informs the perception of the minority as the ethnic ‘other’. Second, the individualist response to minority protection paradoxically endeavours to remove ‘ethnicity’ from the concept of ‘minority’. And finally, in the post-Cold War European scenario, it is again the ethnic ‘otherness’ that rationalizes a differentiated minority protection mechanism for the West and the East within Europe.


1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Christopher Dandeker

The approach adopted here takes as its point of dcparture the fact thaï armed forces are ‘Janus-faced’ organizations. On the onc hand, they and their political masters havc to respond to the changing strategie context by building militarily effective organizations and, on the other. they havc to establish an organization that is responsive to wider social values, and thus to the society that pays for the armed services and without whose support they can do little. The key challenge is to ensure that a balance is struck between the demands flowing from these two contexts.


Hawwa ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77
Author(s):  
Ousseina Alidou

The post-Cold War conditions created new socio-political spaces in Kenya for new articulations of Muslim women’s public activism and leadership. This essay focuses on two such Muslim women in terms of their leadership responses to issues of Muslim women’s rights in Kenya as framed within a secular paradigm, on the one hand, and within an Islamic one, on the other. In spite of their differences, the essay concludes the efforts of the two leaders complement each other in fundamental ways, especially with regards to their contributions to the national debates on theShari’aand the reform of the Kadhi’s Court.


Author(s):  
Tanvi Madan

Policymakers and analysts have traditionally described US relations with India as moving from estrangement during the Cold War and immediate post–Cold War period to engagement after 1999. The reality has been more complex, interspersing periods of estrangement, indifference, and engagement, with the latter dominating the first two decades of the 21st century. The nature of the relationship has been determined by a variety of factors and actors, with American perceptions of India shaped by strategic and economic considerations as well as the exchange of ideas and people. The overall state of the US relationship with India after 1947 has been determined by where that country has fit into Washington’s strategic framework, and Delhi’s ability and willingness to play the role envisioned for it. When American and Indian policymakers have seen the other country as important and useful, they have sought to strengthen US-India relations. In those periods, they have also been more willing to manage the differences that have always existed between the two countries at the global, regional, and bilateral levels. But when strategic convergence between the two countries is missing, differences have taken center stage.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Kreuzer

Over the last decade, historians have made steady inroads into the frequently static social sciences as they are trying to understand the changing post-Cold War order and the even more rapidly changing global and domestic political economies. Such softening of disciplinary boundaries is also observable in the other direction. Jonathan Sperber's work on nineteenth-century electoral politics and Kenneth Ledford's study on German lawyers offer two examples among many of historians borrowing concepts and methods from the social sciences. Yet, these encouraging signs of disciplinary trespassing cannot mask the fact that these two disciplines continue only infrequently to publish in each others' journals, intelligently review each others' works, or jointly reflect on the payoffs of interdisciplinary scholarship. Given this limited dialogue, it is a particular pleasure to reply to two such thoughtful and constructive respondents. In subtly tackling the problems inherent in comparing, Kenneth Ledford ventures into the disciplinary borderlands of history and the social sciences while Jonathan Sperber stays more closely in the historical corner and — to use Ledford's apt characterization of his colleagues — “picks cautionary holes in the applicability” of comparisons.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
Khurshaid ◽  
Ahmad Ali ◽  
Syed Ali Shah

After the Cold War Pakistan, China and India had opportunities to adjust each other according to the geopolitical trends of the time. In the post-Cold War era, there was no Soviet Union to influence relations between India and China. On the other side, Pakistan did not lose its Cold War ally, United States; to make independent relations in the region on its choices. American sanctions would turn Pakistan into a selfassumed path of foreign policy. The resultant regional geopolitical scenario, after the Cold War, may best be explained by applying the theoretical model of Saul B. Cohen- Shatterbelt. The shatterbelt means such volatile areas that would not allow the states to go for friendly relations. The study is qualitative in nature. The data is secondary which is interpreted through Thematic Approach.


1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-408
Author(s):  
Erika Svedberg

AbstractIntercultural communication poses challenges to East-West negotiations in the post Cold War era. The meeting in East-West negotiations is a metaphor for the processes that were set in motion when parties representing Western and Eastern organizations respectively negotiated on cooperation projects. The projects in question were of two types: the profit driven type (joint ventures), and the NGO, non-profit driven type. In applying a relational approach to analyzing negotiations, this paper presents four different typologies of the East-West meeting. The material that forms the basis for these analytical typologies consists of the two parties' perceptions of meeting, negotiating, and cooperating with the Other. The material was gathered via the author's own experience as a negotiator of a Russian-Swedish NGO project between 1991-1994, and also by studying a number of East-West joint ventures and NGO projects in post-Soviet Russia between 1991-96. The four meeting typologies developed in the article are (1) Concurring Perceptions; (2) Mirror Perceptions; (3) Inverted Perceptions; and a type of meeting characterized by a process that has been named (4) Recreating the Other.


Author(s):  
Adrien Caralp

Within the context of the restructuring of the European defense industry since the end of the cold war, this article addresses the land armaments sector in general, and armored vehicles in particular. The industry is generally divided into the aerospace, naval, land, and electronics sectors, of which aerospace and electronic are highly internationalized while the land and naval ones remain fragmented and nationally based. Economic characteristics of the land armaments industry—lower R&D costs and longer production runs—still permit the predominance of a nationally-focused production model, yet post-cold war market changes toward lighter platforms, and resulting synergies with the civilian truck industry, imply a comparative weakening of state sovereignty and, consequently, stronger market contestability as compared to the other defense industry sectors.


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