scholarly journals What We Do and What Is Done to Us: Teaching Art as Culture

Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Dean Kenning

Carl Andre’s opposition between an activating art and a pacifying culture becomes the impetus for wider reflections on artistic autonomy and agency with special reference to how fine art is taught at college. I propose that artistic agency might better be accounted for and enacted by conceiving of it not as something set against or at a distance from culture in general, but ‘as’ culture. Through an overview of various institutional and discursive accounts of artistic production which describe the ways in which art is itself influenced and determined by external factors, and an extended analysis of Raymond Williams theory of culture as ‘collective advance’, I propose that fine art education needs to confront the question of contemporary art’s wider cultural embeddedness, and the political culture of art itself—a politics based in the nature of the social relationships art practice engenders.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Galina Viktorovna Morozova ◽  
Artur Romanovich Gavrilov ◽  
Bulat Ildarovich Yakupov

If we sum up the tasks facing the Russian state in relation to the young generation, then all of them are associated with its harmonious inclusion in the social and political development of the country. At the normative level, the current need is declared for young people to form active citizenship and democratic political culture, which is possible only in a constant and equal dialogue between the authorities and young people. Ensuring the interaction of the younger generation with the political elite presupposes the existence of certain conditions - the creation and effective functioning of the information infrastructure of youth policy, as well as the conduct of an open active information policy. The article describes the results of a study of the political status of students of the capital of Tatarstan - Kazan, in particular, such parameters as youth interest in political information, trust in the sources of this information, and political participation. Together with the data of secondary studies, this made it possible to characterize the youth sector of political communication, identify the existing difficulties in the interaction of the government and youth, in particular, identify some difficulties in receiving and disseminating political information among the youth, which impede the development of a democratic political culture and the accumulation of social capital of the young generation.


Author(s):  
Christian Welzel ◽  
Ronald Inglehart

This chapter examines the role that the concept of political culture plays in comparative politics. In particular, it considers how the political culture field increases our understanding of the social roots of democracy and how these roots are transforming through cultural change. In analysing the inspirational forces of democracy, key propositions of the political culture approach are compared with those of the political economy approach. The chapter first provides and overview of cultural differences around the world before tracing the historical roots of the political culture concept. It then tackles the question of citizens' democratic maturity and describes the allegiance model of the democratic citizen. It also explores party–voter dealignment, the assertive model of the democratic citizen, and political culture in non-democracies. It concludes with an assessment of how trust, confidence, and social capital increase a society's capacity for collective action.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-148
Author(s):  
Holly High

In 2020, Laos successfully contained the spread of COVID-19, with very few cases and no deaths. The key elements of the COVID-19 response reflect not only public health advice but also the core values of the political culture promoted by the ruling Lao People’s Revolutionary Party. These include unity, solidarity, struggle, respect for science, guidance by a strong center, and the extension of the state into everyday life in the form of designated roles, committees, and organizations. These significantly shaped the social fabric drawn on in the COVID-19 response. This success, then, can be read as a reaping of some of the benefits of this political culture. More ominously, the global pandemic exacerbated Lao PDR’s public debt crisis. Born of years of government backing of megaprojects such as hydropower, this debt is the dark harvest of the LPRP’s reign.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Chilcote

Today, Peru faces three essential problems: 1) the lack of geographical integration; 2) racial diversity and the failure of restratification among the social classes; and finally, 3) the rising tension generated by population growth and shifts. Within the context of these three problems may be evaluated the role of two “designs” for action — first, the Alliance for Progress and, second, the program of Peru's new government, which, while cooperating with the Alliance's program, is striving for independent, nationalistic action and finds itself confronting an exploding, revolutionary situation created by the masses of Indians unassimilated into the political culture.


2016 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
John M. Warner ◽  
James R. Zink

AbstractFor nearly half a century democratic citizens have been preoccupied with the search for self-respect. Though classical liberalism places this question outside its purview and many commentators see in such a concern evidence of a “thin-skinned” political culture, John Rawls has recently provided serious arguments for the political relevance of self-respect. These arguments, we claim, are deeply indebted to the social and political theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose deep albeit underexamined influence on Rawls shows itself both in Rawls's conception of the social problem as well as in his solution to it. Rawls's belief that the provision of self-respect can solve the social problem is uniquely Rousseauan not only because of its emphasis on equality but also because it suggests political life can and must reconcile the conflicts between self and society at a fundamental level.


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Hook ◽  
Ian Parker

This paper endeavours to ask how one might rethink essentialized and reified concepts of psychology and psychopathology as they are represented and experienced in the domain of ‘psychological culture’. Deconstruction, a critical mode of reading systems of meaning, and of unravelling the ways these systems work as texts, is the theoretical and methodological tool of choice for this task. The objective here is to critically engage with privileged notions of psychology on the reciprocal levels of both the personal and the political, the subjective and the social. An additional tool that becomes important here, in linking the internal and external deconstructions of psychology, is dialectics. Dialectics is a means of comprehending the relation between different forms of critique and the relation between different domains in which the psychological is worked through. Connecting the spheres of social relationships with individual activity, and the realms of political and personal in this way, enables a critical linking of the individual and the social without reducing one to the other. Engaged, albeit schematically, in this way, psychopathology may be approached as a construct that has been storied into being in psychiatric texts, that has been sedimented in practices which make it look and feel substantial and real. Essentialized in these ways, the abstract notion of psychopathology operates as if it were concrete, whilst the concrete practices surrounding it operate as if they were abstract. To sufficiently critically engage with constructs of psychopathology then, it is necessary to simultaneously grapple with the objective and subjective aspects of the problem, to engage with how ‘normality’ and ‘pathology’ function both in reality and within the subjective grasp they have on us as we read our own experience at each moment as normal or pathological.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


Author(s):  
S. S. Melnikov

The paper analyzes the genesis of modern political humor and determines its position in the system of spiritual relations in society. The formation of the need to comprehend social relations by means of humor during progressive transition from traditional to modern society is investigated. We note that humor is essentially a social phenomenon. A fundamental distinction between humor formed in the modern period and humor of previous times is the presence of reflexivity. New kind of humor has also dealt with political relations began to be interpreted by means of humor culture. In the course of research we found that comic interpretation of politics became feasible due to the legislative fixation of individual rights as a part of modern political culture. The emancipated personality demonstrates more complicated expectations to a political institute and experiences acute dissatisfaction as state authorities have often made decisions not appropriate to such expectations. For the individual as sovereign entity political humor became a sort of social and psychological compensation. An author pays attention to the fact that the social subject having shown such a reaction was formed during the second half of XIX and the beginning of XX centuries because of the dissemination of the print media and was named «the audience». The audience became a key agent of humorous reflection about the political institute. As a case that grounds the applicability of this theory to the practice the paper considers the example of inclusion of specific comic genre (political caricature) in the social discourse in the West and in Russia.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Bayo Ogunjimi

Right from the period of colonialism the herd or cult of the national bourgeoisie has been consistent in its chicanery of reifying, alienating and approximating the social existence of the peasants, the working class and other oppressed social strata. They operate the political culture from various levels of fetishisms as politicians, businessmen, professionals, religious prelates, feudal oligarchies and cultic forces. Set against the masses is the conglomerate of the class referred to by Wole Soyinka as the “self-consolidating regurgitative lumpen Mafiadom of the military, the old politicians and business enterprises” (The Man Died, London, Andre Deutsche Ltd., 1972, p. 181). This class consists of those that Frantz Fanon refers to as the conduit pipes and errand boys of international monopoly capital.


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