scholarly journals Backward Dependencies and in-Situ wh-Questions as Test Cases on How to Approach Experimental Linguistics Research That Pursues Theoretical Linguistics Questions

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leticia Pablos ◽  
Jenny Doetjes ◽  
Lisa L.-S. Cheng
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 448
Author(s):  
Joshua Martin
Keyword(s):  

Theories of pair-list readings of multiple wh-questions commonly posit an interpretive asymmetry between the fronted and in-situ wh-phrases, where the fronted wh-phrase is argued to function as the sortal key, have a requirement to be interpreted exhaustively, or be obligatorily D-linked. To clarify the empirical landscape of such debate, I present three experiments which tease apart the effects of these often-confounded discourse factors on the order and interpretation of multiple wh-questions. They are found to have either inconsistent or insignificant effects, arguing against a unique discourse-sensitivity of the fronted wh-phrase. Theories of questions which encode such an asymmetry should accordingly be revised.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boping Yuan

In this article, an empirical study of how Chinese wh-questions are mentally represented in Japanese speakers' grammars of Chinese as a second language (L2) is reported. Both Chinese and Japanese are generally considered wh-in-situ languages in which a wh-word is allowed to remain in its base-generated position, and both languages use question particles to mark questions. It is assumed that C0 in wh-questions is essentially ambiguous and unvalued and that unvalued C0 must be valued. In Chinese, the wh-particle ne values C0 with [+Q, +wh] features, which licenses the wh-word in situ. As a result, no wh-movement is necessary and Subjacency becomes irrelevant. Japanese also employs question particles, such as ka or no. However, they are `defective' in the sense that they can only value the ambiguous C0 as [+Q] and they are unable to specify the question as to whether it is [+yes/no] or [+wh]. To value C0 as a head with [+wh], a wh-operator in a wh -word inside the sentence has to raise overtly to C0. The results of an acceptability judgement task show that although the Japanese speakers respond in a broadly target-like way, the lexical morphological feature [+wh] of the particle ne in their L2 Chinese lexicons is permanently deficient, which leads to variability in their intuitions about Chinese wh-questions. A lexical morphological feature deficit account for the results is proposed, and it is suggested that the lexical morphology—syntax interface can be a source of variability in L2 acquisition.


Author(s):  
Veneeta Dayal ◽  
Deepak Alok

Natural language allows questioning into embedded clauses. One strategy for doing so involves structures like the following: [CP-1 whi [TP DP V [CP-2 … ti …]]], where a wh-phrase that thematically belongs to the embedded clause appears in the matrix scope position. A possible answer to such a question must specify values for the fronted wh-phrase. This is the extraction strategy seen in languages like English. An alternative strategy involves a structure in which there is a distinct wh-phrase in the matrix clause. It is manifested in two types of structures. One is a close analog of extraction, but for the extra wh-phrase: [CP-1 whi [TP DP V [CP-2 whj [TP…t­j­…]]]]. The other simply juxtaposes two questions, rather than syntactically subordinating the second one: [CP-3 [CP-1 whi [TP…]] [CP-2 whj [TP…]]]. In both versions of the second strategy, the wh-phrase in CP-1 is invariant, typically corresponding to the wh-phrase used to question propositional arguments. There is no restriction on the type or number of wh-phrases in CP-2. Possible answers must specify values for all the wh-phrases in CP-2. This strategy is variously known as scope marking, partial wh movement or expletive wh questions. Both strategies can occur in the same language. German, for example, instantiates all three possibilities: extraction, subordinated, as well as sequential scope marking. The scope marking strategy is also manifested in in-situ languages. Scope marking has been subjected to 30 years of research and much is known at this time about its syntactic and semantic properties. Its pragmatics properties, however, are relatively under-studied. The acquisition of scope marking, in relation to extraction, is another area of ongoing research. One of the reasons why scope marking has intrigued linguists is because it seems to defy central tenets about the nature of wh scope taking. For example, it presents an apparent mismatch between the number of wh expressions in the question and the number of expressions whose values are specified in the answer. It poses a challenge for our understanding of how syntactic structure feeds semantic interpretation and how alternative strategies with similar functions relate to each other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 875-892
Author(s):  
Kaushik Bora ◽  
Hriday Mani Kalita

Abstract This paper presents a novel approach for determining the best combination of groynes in terms of their number, lengths and positions for controlling bank erosion. The vulnerable bank is considered to be protected if a very small value of water flow speed is achieved on the near bank area. A linked simulation–optimization model is developed in this regard which minimizes the total construction cost of the groyne project. At the same time, a constraint in terms of low flow speed in a predefined zone is incorporated, which helps in bank erosion prevention. In the simulation model, the depth-averaged shallow water equations are solved using a finite difference scheme. The optimization problem is formulated in three different approaches to tackle different types of in situ field problems. Genetic algorithm (GA) is used to solve the optimization problem. The proposed optimization model is used in two hypothetical test cases including one straight channel and one meandering channel. The results obtained with all the three formulations are found to be logical and establish the potential of the present model for application in real cases.


2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hadas Kotek

Abstract In wh-questions, intervention effects are detected whenever certain elements – focus-sensitive operators, negative elements, and quantifiers – c-command an in-situ wh-word. Pesetsky (2000, Phrasal movement and its kin. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) presents a comprehensive study of intervention effects in English multiple wh-questions, arguing that intervention correlates with superiority: superiority-violating questions are subject to intervention effects, while superiority-obeying questions are immune from such effects. This description has been adopted as an explanandum in most recent work on intervention, such as Beck (2006, Intervention effects follow from focus interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 14. 1–56) and Cable (2010, The Grammar of Q: Q-particles, wh-movement, and pied-piping. Oxford University Press), a.o. In this paper, I show instead that intervention effects in English questions correlate with the available LF positions for wh-in-situ and the intervener, but not with superiority. The grammar allows for several different ways of repairing intervention configurations, including wh-movement, scrambling, Quantifier Raising, and reconstruction. Intervention effects are observed when none of these repair strategies are applicable, and there is no way of avoiding the intervention configuration – regardless of superiority. Nonetheless, I show that these results are consistent with the syntax proposed for English questions in Pesetsky (2000, Phrasal movement and its kin. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) and with the semantic theory of intervention effects in Beck (2006, Intervention effects follow from focus interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 14. 1–56).


Author(s):  
Arsalan Kahnemuyipour

AbstractThis article explores wh-questions in Persian and examines how the “clausal typing hypothesis” and the “focus-fronting analysis” fare with respect to Persian wh-questions. It is shown that Persian wh-questions involve obligatory movement of wh-phrases to a preverbal focus position. This movement is different from syntactic wh-movement in that it does not involve movement of the wh-phrase to [Spec, CP], whose trigger is a [+wh] feature in C. Thus, in terms of the typology of wh-questions, Persian is neither a syntactic wh-movement nor a wh-in-situ language; rather, it should be classified with languages such as Aghem, Basque, Hungarian, Kirundi, and Serbo-Croatian, in which wh-phrases have been argued to undergo focus movement. It is shown that Persian does not seem to share the properties of Serbo-Croatian, another focus-fronting language. Some possible explanations are provided and the theoretical implications are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chia-Wen Lo ◽  
Jonathan R. Brennan

Event-related potential components are sensitive to the processes underlying how questions are understood. We use so-called “covert” wh-questions in Mandarin to probe how such components generalize across different kinds of constructions. This study shows that covert Mandarin wh-questions do not elicit anterior negativities associated with memory maintenance, even when such a dependency is unambiguously cued. N = 37 native speakers of Mandarin Chinese read Chinese questions and declarative sentences word-by-word during EEG recording. In contrast to prior studies, no sustained anterior negativity (SAN) was observed between the cue word, such as the question-embedding verb “wonder,” and the in-situ wh-filler. SANs have been linked with working memory maintenance, suggesting that grammatical features may not impose the same maintenance demands as the content words used in prior work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Jung-Tae Kim

This paper aims to investigate Korean learners’ interlanguage with respect to the production of English bi-clausal wh-questions. One hundred seven adult Korean-speaking learners of English in three proficiency groups took part in a production task designed to elicit English bi-clausal wh-questions. The study specifically asked what interlanguage structures Korean EFL learners would produce and whether the structures would change as learners’ English proficiency advances. The results revealed that Korean EFL learners produced a range of alternative bi-clausal structures, including wh-scope marking, silent scope marking, wh-scope marking with embedded wh-in-situ, L1 clause order, and wh-about-wh type constructions. Comparison of three proficiency groups showed that as the learners’ English proficiency increases, they tend to produce an increasing number of derivationally more complex alternatives. It is argued that derivational complexity plays a role in the developmental process of Korean EFL learners’ interlanguage for bi-clausal wh-questions.


Author(s):  
Manoj Malviya ◽  
Swapnil Sinha ◽  
Nicholas A. Meisel

Abstract Additive manufacturing (AM) offers access to the entire volume of a printed artifact during the build operation. This makes it possible to embedding foreign components (e.g. sensors, motors, actuators) into AM parts, thus enabling multifunctional products directly from the build tray. However, the process of designing for embedding currently requires extensive designer expertise in AM. Current methods rely on a designer to select an orientation for the embedded component and design a cavity such that the component can be successfully embedded without compromising the print quality of the final part. For irregular geometries, additional design knowledge is required to prepare a shape converter: a secondary piece to ensure a flush deposition surface on top of the embedded component. This research aims to develop a tool to automate these different design decisions for in-situ embedding, thus reducing the need for expert design knowledge. A three-stage process is proposed to 1) find the optimum orientation based on cavity volume and cross-section area, 2) create the necessary cavity geometry to successfully insert the component, and 3) perform a Boolean operation to create the digital design for any requisite shape converter. Performance of the tool is demonstrated with four test cases with varying levels of geometric complexity. These test cases show that the proposed process successfully handles arbitrary embedded geometries, though several limitations are noted for future work.


Author(s):  
Berthold Crysmann ◽  
Chris H. Reintges

The present study is concerned with the complex ways in which alternating relative complementisers in Coptic are employed as a morphological flagging device for unbounded dependencies in various types of relative clause constructions and wh questions. We shall argue in particular that the alternation in shape is locally conditioned by properties of the complement (TAME) and the antecedent noun (definiteness), which can be modelled via selectional features such as COMPS and MOD, plus the prosodic status of right-adjacent material (phrase vs. clitic). We shall show that all applicable conditions carry over from relatives to wh in-situ, suggesting to model the polyfunctionality of these complementisers in terms a systematic alternation between resumptive SLASH and in-situ QUE dependencies, modelled in terms of a lexical rule. Furthermore, we shall discuss the status of unbounded dependencies and argue that the pervasiveness of resumption with relatives and ex-situ wh arguments can be attributed to the absence of gap-synsem on ARG-ST . We shall argue that apparent subject “gaps” in relative constructions are of a highly local nature, best to be understood in terms of subcategorisation for a finite VP complement. Finally, we shall show that the ban on argument gaps does not carry over to wh ex-situ adjuncts, providing additional motivation for maintaining a systematic distinction between these two types of extraction.


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