scholarly journals Systemic Discrimination Among Large U.S. Employers

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Kline ◽  
Evan Rose ◽  
Christopher Walters
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Soklaridis ◽  
Ayelet Kuper ◽  
Cynthia R. Whitehead ◽  
Genevieve Ferguson ◽  
Valerie H. Taylor ◽  
...  

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the experiences of gender bias among women hospital CEOs and explore to what these female leaders attribute their success within a male-dominated hospital executive leadership milieu. Design/methodology/approach This qualitative study involved 12 women hospital CEOs from across Ontario, Canada. Purposeful sampling techniques and in-depth qualitative interview methods were used to facilitate discussion around experiences of gender and leadership. Findings Responses fell into two groups: the first group represented the statement “Gender inequality is alive and well”. The second group reflected the statement “Gender inequity is not significant, did not happen to me, and things are better now”. This group contained a sub-group with no consciousness of systemic discrimination and that claimed having no gendered experiences in their leadership journey. The first group described gender issues in various contexts, from the individual to the systemic. The second group was ambivalent about gender as a factor impacting leadership trajectories. Originality/value Representations of women’s leadership have become detached from feminism, with major consequences for women. This study reveals how difficult it is for some women CEOs to identify gender bias. The subtle everyday norms and practices within the workplace make it difficult to name and explain gender bias explicitly and may explain the challenges in understanding how it might affect a woman’s career path.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-144
Author(s):  
Daniela Arrese

This article explains the obligations the international legal framework on the rights of indigenous peoples imposes on States regarding the right to political participation, in particular, the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Because of the historical exclusion and marginalization of these groups, mere recognition of the right of participation in domestic legal systems is insufficient to ensure the full enjoyment of the right by indigenous communities. Instead, States are obliged to adopt active measures to overcome the systemic discrimination indigenous peoples have been subject to. This article focuses on one of the many aspects of political participation, i.e., electoral participation. It provides both a typology and a critical account of different mechanisms States use to increase and promote the participation of indigenous peoples in electoral processes, specifically in elections for legislative bodies and in constitution-making processes. These mechanisms include the provision for reserved seats in parliament, the creation of special indigenous electoral districts, and the establishment of special electoral quotas for candidacies presented by political parties. The article argues that the effectiveness of each approach cannot be evaluated in abstracto, but must be assessed against the particular context in which a specific approach is adopted. Most importantly, the success of any specific approach should be measured by the extent to which they allow indigenous communities to have an actual chance at influencing political decision-making, particularly in situations that affect them.


2021 ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
Yi Chien Jade Ho ◽  
Pei Ting Tham

Abstract In this chapter, researchers offer their own experiences through an extended dialogue between a long-term outdoor educator in Australia and a researcher of outdoor education in Canada. They engage and share their conversations in order to highlight the ways in which outdoor education as an industry and academic field perpetuates systems of racial and gender oppression. Although the chapter centres on racial and gender discrimination embedded in outdoor education policy and practices, the conversation also presents the ways in which class further entrenches systemic discrimination. Each axis of oppression works intersectionally to create unequal material conditions, further marginalizing people and communities who are not white, middle-class and/or male (Crenshaw, 1989; hooks, 2015; Taylor, 2017).


INvoke ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 10-25
Author(s):  
SUSA Submissions ◽  
Alysa Holmes

This paper examines the contemporary issue of the overrepresentation of Aboriginal women in Canadian prisons and suggests that the systemic discrimination and myriad disadvantages that these women face, both within the context of the justice system and in society in general, results in an ongoing cycle of victimization and offending. Specifically, this paper addresses the historical and contemporary forms of violence and victimization that these women face, and examines the impact that this victimization has on offending behaviors. Finally, through an exploration of policing practices, and the complex issue of sentencing Aboriginal offenders, this paper concludes that Aboriginal women are severely disadvantaged at all stages of the criminal justice system, largely as a result of pervasive cultural stereotypes, resulting in worse outcomes for these offenders, and ultimately contributing to the issue of overrepresentation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanya Carney

When their need to provide care and their need for paid employment are equally important, mothers try to combine both roles, often through part time employment, or to stagger these competing needs by taking employment breaks. Using data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics of Australia (HILDA) Survey1 this article analyses the resulting detriments to the ability of mothers to continue career paths across the occupational spectrum. Analysis of this data is used to argue that employment disadvantage is generated by mothers' inability to conform to `ideal worker' behaviour and therefore can be construed as `systemic discrimination'. Norms of `ideal' behaviour are shown to be stronger in occupations of high status and as a result mothers are at a greater risk of becoming excluded from employment within these occupations. Further, 26 percent of Australian working mothers will experience occupational exclusion, an event where further employment is secured only by moving down the occupational hierarchy to jobs of lower socio-economic status.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florent de Bodman ◽  
Pamela R. Bennett

AbstractRacial segregation has been a persistent feature of the American social landscape and a longstanding contributor to racial inequality, particularly between Blacks and Whites. Affirmative action policies have been used to address the systemic discrimination and attendant socioeconomic consequences to which African Americans have been subjected. Yet affirmative action has not been widely used in all domains in which segregation and systemic discrimination occurred. Although such policies have been adopted in the domains of employment and postsecondary education, few federal affirmative action programs have been used in housing. This is surprising given high levels of segregation across the metropolitan United States, as well as the stated integrative objectives of the U.S. Congress when it passed the Fair Housing Act of1968. To understand this puzzle, we use the Gautreaux Assisted Housing Program, a housing mobility effort of the Federal government and the Chicago Housing Authority that used explicit racial criteria, as a surrogate for affirmative action in housing more broadly. We conduct a comparative analysis of Gautreaux and affirmative action in college admissions using insights from applied political philosophy and sociology. By confronting Gautreaux with a more traditional affirmative action program, we are able to identify and compare the judicial, moral, and instrumental justifications for each, enabling us to draw conclusions about whether and how affirmative action can justifiably be used on a large scale to reduce neighborhood segregation, the possible forms it could take, and the difficulties it would face. We close with a discussion of the recent shift toward integration taken by the Department of Housing and Urban Development under the Obama administration, its relationship to affirmative action, and its implications for declines in residential segregation in the United States.


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