scholarly journals How Information Affects Support for Education Spending: Evidence from Survey Experiments in Germany and the United States

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin West ◽  
Ludger Woessmann ◽  
Philipp Lergetporer ◽  
Katharina Werner
2018 ◽  
Vol 167 ◽  
pp. 138-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Lergetporer ◽  
Guido Schwerdt ◽  
Katharina Werner ◽  
Martin R. West ◽  
Ludger Woessmann

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Fiona Yap

AbstractWhen do citizens take costly collective action against government corruption? When citizens act in concert, their demands are credible and not easily discounted by governments, which should be more likely to respond. In this study, we use the stag-hunt game, supplemented by Granovetter's threshold model of collective action, to investigate the conditions under which citizens coordinate to collectively act against government corruption. We use survey experiments in laboratory settings in Australia, Singapore, and the United States. The results show several conditions motivate participants to pursue collective action; using the wellspring of the theoretical argument, they clarify that information that others pursue collective action, together with clear mutual benefits as measured by rewards, are primary motivators of the individual's choice. Correspondingly, other considerations, including initial costs or final potential penalties, do not bear on the individual's choice. The findings have implications not only for the empirical literature on policy but also for policy debates on how to control it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (5) ◽  
pp. 1140-1164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan A. Chu

Reciprocity is one of the oldest principles of warfare, but humanitarian norms embedded in international humanitarian law (IHL) prohibit reciprocity over various wartime acts. When it comes to the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs), how do these conflicting norms shape public opinion? One perspective is that citizens who learn about IHL acquire an unconditional aversion to abusing POWs. Alternatively, people may understand IHL as a conditional commitment that instead strengthens their approval for reciprocal conduct. Survey experiments fielded in the United States support the latter view: people’s preferences depend on the enemy’s behavior, and this “reciprocity effect” is largest among those who believe that the United States is legally committed to treating POWs humanely. Puzzlingly, prior studies do not find a reciprocity effect, but this is due to their use of a no-information experimental control group, which led to a lack of control over the subjects’ assumptions about the survey.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (49) ◽  
pp. e2114762118
Author(s):  
Scott E. Bokemper ◽  
Alan S. Gerber ◽  
Saad B. Omer ◽  
Gregory A. Huber

The development of COVID-19 vaccines was an important breakthrough for ending the pandemic. However, people refusing to get vaccinated diminish the level of community protection afforded to others. In the United States, White evangelicals have proven to be a particularly difficult group to convince to get vaccinated. Here we investigate whether this group can be persuaded to get vaccinated. To do this, we leverage data from two survey experiments, one fielded prior to approval of COVID-19 vaccines (study 1) and one fielded after approval (study 2). In both experiments, respondents were randomly assigned to treatment messages to promote COVID-19 vaccination. In study 1, we find that a message that emphasizes community interest and reciprocity with an invocation of embarrassment for choosing not to vaccinate is the most effective at increasing uptake intentions, while values-consistent messaging appears to be ineffective. In contrast, in study 2 we observe that this message is no longer effective and that most messages produce little change in vaccine intent. This inconsistency may be explained by the characteristics of White evangelicals who remain unvaccinated vis à vis those who got vaccinated. These results demonstrate the importance of retesting messages over time, the apparent limitations of values-targeted messaging, and document the need to consider heterogeneity even within well-defined populations. This work also cautions against drawing broad conclusions from studies carried out at a single point in time during the COVID-19 pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Flores ◽  
Donald P. Haider-Markel ◽  
Daniel C. Lewis ◽  
Patrick R. Miller ◽  
Jami K. Taylor

Political advertisements can shift attitudes and behaviors to become more exclusionary toward social out-groups. However, people who engage in an antidiscrimination exercise in the context of an experiment may respond differently to such ads. What interventions might foster inclusive attitudes in the presence of political communications about social policy issues like transgender rights? We examined two scalable antidiscrimination exercises commonly used in applied settings: describing a personal narrative of discrimination and perspective-taking. We then showed people political ads that are favorable or opposed to transgender rights to determine whether those interventions moderate how receptive people are to the messages. Relying on two demographically representative survey experiments of adults in the United States (study 1 N = 1,291; study 2 N = 1,587), we found that personal recollections of discriminatory experiences did not reduce exclusionary attitudes, but perspective-taking had some effects, particularly among those who fully complied with the exercise. However, both studies revealed potential backfire effects; recalling a discriminatory experience induced negative attitudes among a subset of the participants, and participants who refused to perspective-take when prompted also held more negative attitudes. Importantly, political ads favorable toward transgender rights consistently resulted in more positive attitudes toward transgender people. Future work needs to carefully examine heterogeneous responses and resistance to antidiscrimination interventions and examine what particular aspects of the political ads induced the attitude change.


Author(s):  
Adam S. Chilton ◽  
Mila Versteeg

This chapter presents findings from two survey experiments that explore popular support for individual rights: one focused on free speech in Turkey and one focused on torture in the United States. For both countries, we designed a survey experiment to gauge whether people’s support for a policy changes when they are informed that this policy violates the constitution, and whether people are willing to mobilize to protect their constitutional rights in the face of violations. The goal of the survey experiments was to explore the mechanisms through which rights mobilization can occur and, specifically, whether constitutional violations change people’s positions or motivate them to take action. Both experiments found that being informed that a certain policy violates the constitution does not change popular opinion, which might be one of the reasons why constitutional rights are hard to enforce in the absence of formal organizations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER HERTEL-FERNANDEZ ◽  
MATTO MILDENBERGER ◽  
LEAH C. STOKES

Legislative staff link Members of Congress and their constituents, theoretically facilitating democratic representation. Yet, little research has examined whether Congressional staff actually recognize the preferences of their Members’ constituents. Using an original survey of senior US Congressional staffers, we show that staff systematically mis-estimate constituent opinions. We then evaluate the sources of these misperceptions, using observational analyses and two survey experiments. Staffers who rely more heavily on conservative and business interest groups for policy information have more skewed perceptions of constituent opinion. Egocentric biases also shape staff perceptions. Our findings complicate assumptions that Congress represents constituent opinion, and help to explain why Congress often appears so unresponsive to ordinary citizens. We conclude that scholars should focus more closely on legislative aides as key actors in the policymaking process, both in the United States and across other advanced democracies.


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