scholarly journals Income inequality, tax base and sovereign spreads

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Aizenman ◽  
Yothin Jinjarak
2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Aizenman ◽  
Yothin Jinjarak

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 855-863 ◽  
Author(s):  
Themis Chronopoulos ◽  
Jonathan Soffer

The introduction to this special section argues that the deconstruction of the city’s municipal social democracy was overdetermined by shifts in the global political economy toward increased income inequality and the depoliticization of national economic management. The city’s creditors forced it into an ideologically-motivated program of market discipline that cut its operating budget as the city’s economy financialized, defined by Greta Krippner as “the tendency for profit making in the economy to occur increasingly through financial channels rather than through productive activities.” The city’s leaders believed that their program would revive the city for the middle class. But financialization exacerbated income inequality. In 1970, the top 0.01 percent of earners made fifty times the average income; by 1998, that figure had increased to 250 times the average income. In 2013 Mayor Michael Bloomberg commented that: “If we could get every billionaire around the world to move here, it would be a godsend that would create a much bigger income gap,” which, he argued, was good for the whole city, because it would raise its tax base. The four articles of this section are part of a new and growing body of historical works about New York City since the 1970s that challenge the linear narratives of concepts such as neoliberalism, gentrification, public space, law and order, and resistance by reviewing how ordinary New Yorkers coped with declining infrastructure, services, standards of living, and increasing inequality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 821-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nisreen Salti

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the redistributive effect of domestic public debt: lenders to the government lie on the higher end of the income distribution, but the burden of debt financing falls on the entire tax base, to the extent that taxes are used to service debt. Because domestic debt is typically held by domestic lenders, this involves a redistribution of resources. Design/methodology/approach – The author uses cross-country panel data on debt composition, and run regressions of income inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, using various specifications, controlling for a variety of macroeconomic, fiscal and political variables. Findings – The author finds that the composition of public debt is consistently a significant determinant of income inequality: the domestic share of public debt is regressive and significant across all specifications, even controlling for total and external debt servicing, political conflict, corruption and a variety of government spending variables. Research limitations/implications – The data span 18 years (1990-2007) which means that long-run effects are hard to track. While the author has a good mix in the sample of observations from low-, middle- and high-income countries, the author is constrained in the choice of countries by the availability of data on inequality and on the composition of public debt. Originality/value – This is the first paper to examine the composition of public debt in terms of domestic and external debt, and any bearing it may have on income inequality. The finding is also new for both the public debt and income inequality literatures: cross-country panel data are consistent with the belief that domestic debt redistributes resources from the entire tax base to wealthy holders of government debt in a way that external debt does not.


2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
BULY A. CARDAK

This paper studies a growth model with public and private education alternatives. The impact of education vouchers on economic growth and the evolution of income inequality are considered. Results indicate that introducing education vouchers can increase economic growth. Households switching from public to private education experience higher incomes. This raises the tax base, in turn raising public education expenditures and growth of the whole economy. Vouchers are found to generally increase income inequality. Welfare comparisons show that voucher schemes may in some cases gain majority support, depending on assumptions and parameters. The results add a new dimension on which vouchers can be evaluated in the continuing policy debate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-84
Author(s):  
Suhrab Khan ◽  
Ihtsham ul Haq Padda

This study investigates the impact of various fiscal policy instruments on the income inequality of Pakistan using an Auto Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model on annual data. We find that direct taxes reduce income inequality, measured using the Gini index, while indirect taxes increase disparities. As the major portion of tax revenues are indirect taxes, the current tax regime of Pakistan does not achieve income redistribution. Similarly, development expenditures have significantly reduced income inequality, likely through the creation of employment opportunities. On the other hand, the overall fiscal deficit increases income inequality, due to a rising public debt financed by (regressive) indirect taxes. This study suggests that in the case of Pakistan, where direct taxes are low, a large shadow economy exists, and weak tax administration prevails, an increase in development expenditures and broadening of the tax base of direct taxes should be the main fiscal policy tools for income redistribution. Moreover, persistent high fiscal deficits in the long run should be avoided. Finally, governments should reduce educational inequalities and promote democratic values in the country in order to promote greater fairness in distribution of income.


Author(s):  
Hoi Le Quoc ◽  
Hoi Chu Minh

Financial development could exert various effects on income distribution of a country. By employing Generalized Method of Moment, this paper aims at examining the impacts of credit market depth, one of most used financial development barometers, on income inequality in Vietnam. The empirical findings show that expanding credit market in the country could lead to higher income inequality. We have not found evidence that supports the hypothesis of an inverted U-shaped relation ever introduced by Greenwood and Jovanovich, although this hypothesis may still hold in a sense that Vietnam has not reached to the inflection point to generate such a curve alike.


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