scholarly journals Trade Policy and Market Power: The Case of the US Steel Industry

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Blonigen ◽  
Benjamin Liebman ◽  
Wesley Wilson
1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 221-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig A. Gallet
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 1675-1691 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Freund ◽  
Çağlar Özden

We develop a political economy model where loss aversion and reference dependence are important in shaping people's preferences over trade policy. The policy implications of the augmented model differ in three ways: there is a region of compensating protection, where a decline in the world price leads to an offsetting increase in protection, such that a constant domestic price is maintained; protection following a single negative price shock will be persistent; and irrespective of the extent of lobbying, there will be a deviation from free trade that favors loss-making industries. The augmented model explains protections of the US steel industry since 1980. (JEL F13, F14, L61)


2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642199944
Author(s):  
Quinn Slobodian

This article recounts the backlash against the neoliberal constitutionalism that locked in free trade and capital rights through the multilateral treaty organizations of the 1990s. It argues that we can find important forces in the disruption of the status quo among the elite losers of the 1990s settlement. Undercut by competition from China, the US steel industry, in particular, became a vocal opponent of unconditional free trade and a red thread linking all of Trump’s primary advisers on matters of trade. Steel lobbyists themselves helped frame a critique of actually existing neoliberal globalism, which Trump both adopted and acted on as part of his trade war. By searching for the contemporary attack on neoliberal constitutionalism among the disgruntled corporate elite, we find that our current crisis must be framed as a backlash from above as well as one from below.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Victor Purba

"Section 301" memberikan wewenang luas kepada Presiden AS untuk mengambil tindakanpembalasan terhadap praktek-praktek perdagangan negara asing yang dianggap merugikan AS. Keampuhan Section 301 ini antara lain berhasil membuka pasar bagi barang-barang Amerika di luar negeri. Umpamanya Jepang, yang akhirnya bersedia menerima penjualan alat-alat telekomunikasi, jeruk dan daging asal AS. Namun, ancaman Section 301 tidak selalu berhasil membuka pasar luar negeri. Sengketa kemudian diselesaikan dalam pertemuan-pertemuan GATT.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-478
Author(s):  
Michelle Egan ◽  
Maria Helena Guimarães
Keyword(s):  

2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Muirhead

Abstract The articulated foreign economic policy of the Conservative government of John Diefenbaker following its election in June 1957 was to redirect trade away from the United States and toward the United Kingdom. This policy reflected Diefenbaker's almost religious attachment to the Commonwealth and to Britain, as well as his abiding suspicion of continentalism. However, from these brave beginnings, Conservative trade policy ended up pretty much where the Liberals had been before their 1957 defeat-increasingly reliant on the US market for Canada's domestic prosperity. This was a result partly of the normal development of trade between the two North American countries, but it also reflected Diefenbaker's growing realisation of the market differences between Canada and the United Kingdom, and the impossibility of enhancing the flow of Canadian exports to Britain.


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