scholarly journals The curious story of the 2018 Romanian traditional family referendum: buck-passing and the failure to mobilise voters

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-111
Author(s):  
Iulian Stănescu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gay Marriage ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Traditional Family ◽  
Buck Passing ◽  
Poll Data ◽  
Population Numbers

In 2018, a referendum to revise the Constitution took place in Romania. Just one article was in contention for revision. The goal was to make gay marriage unconstitutional. In the end, the referendum failed due to a low turnout of just 21.1%, below the 30% threshold required for validation. This paper looks into the causes of the low turnout. First, there is an overview of knowns and unknowns, such as lack of exit poll data and issues with the voting population numbers. The bulk of the paper deals with two overlapping narratives about the causes of low turnout - first, a boycott campaign and second, a combination of factors, especially low mobilisation. Using precinct level results, supplemented by pre and post referendum polling data, an examination of evidence for both narratives is put forward. The results provide a case for failure of mobilisation by main political parties and religious organisations, especially the Orthodox Church, despite public statements of support for a “Yes” vote in the referendum. In turn, this was based on a buck-passing strategy by political parties and religious organisations.

scholarly journals Voting Behavior in Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-408
Author(s):  
Miroslav Řádek
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
University Students ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Future ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Final Question

Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.

Political crisis and the Rise of the Far Right in Greece

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Sotiris
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Family Roles ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Traditional Family ◽  
Greek Orthodox Church ◽  
The One

The electoral rise of Golden Dawn from obscurity to parliamentary representation has drawn attention to its particular neo-fascist discourse. In sharp contrast to the tendency of most far-right movements in Europe to present themselves as being part of the political mainstream, Golden Dawn has never disavowed its openly neo-Nazi references. Its political and ideological discourse combines extreme racism, nationalism and authoritarianism along with traditional conservative positions in favour of traditional family roles and values and the Greek Orthodox Church. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand to situate the ideology and discourse of Golden Dawn in a conjuncture of economic and social crisis, a crisis of the project of European Integration, and examine it as part of a broader authoritarian post-democratic and post-hegemonic transformation of the State in contemporary capitalism; on the other hand to criticize the position suggested recently that Golden Dawn was also the result of the supposedly “national-populist” discourse of the anti-austerity movement. On the contrary, we will insist on the opposition between the discourses and practices of Golden Dawn and the anti-austerity movement in Greece.

scholarly journals Who Really Voted for President Obama in 2008 and 2012?

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-111
Author(s):  
Helena N. Hlavaty ◽  
Mohamed A. Hussein ◽  
Peter Kiley-Bergen ◽  
Liuxufei Yang ◽  
Paul M. Sommers
Keyword(s):  
Age Groups ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Poll Data

The authors use simple bilinear regression on statewide exit poll data to gauge the popularity of President Barack Obama in election years 2008 and 2012 among voters in four age groups (18 to 29 year-olds; 30 to 44 year-olds; 45 to 64 year-olds; and voters 65 and older) and three income groups (under $50,000; $50,000 to $100,000; and voters earning more than $100,000).  While there was little change in his popularity among voters in all age groups, Obama’s popularity with the poorest group of voters (those earning less than $50,000) took a noticeable hit in 2012.

Two Strategies in Serbian Politics in Croatia and Hungary before the First World War

1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Miller
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World ◽  
Recent Attention

With the recent attention given to the breakup of Yugoslavia, it is important to emphasize that the Serbs of Croatia and Hungary have always feared, rightly or wrongly, for their cultural, economic, and physical existence. The most prominent Serbian political parties in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the Habsburg monarchy staked their reputations on their ability to defend the Serbian nation from cultural assimilation. The parties examined in this article were no exception. They believed that their primary task was to assure the continued existence of a Serbian nationality in Croatia and Hungary. In this article, the politics surrounding the Serbian Orthodox church in the Habsburg monarchy will provide the framework for an analysis and comparison of the political strategies of the two largest Serbian parties in Croatia and Hungary, the Independent and Radical parties.

Social Class and Voter Preference in Recent Mexican Elections

2012 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Gilbert
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Voter Preference ◽  
Mexican Politics ◽  
Poll Data

The influence of social class on the decisions of Mexican voters is, according to recent literature, modest and irrelevant. In this paper I reassess the role of class in the presidential elections of 2000 and 2006. After discussing how social class should be conceptualized and measured in election surveys, I analyze exit poll data from these two elections. The results show that class is a potent force in Mexican elections and that the middle class, in particular, has played a critical role in the transformation of Mexican politics.

scholarly journals Irkutsk Metropolis: Pages of History

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
A. P. Sannikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Eastern Siberia ◽  
Bell Tower ◽  
To Receive ◽  
The City ◽  
Administrative Center

On January 21, 1727, the Irkutsk Diocese was established. Its opening was the result of Orthodoxy in spread in Eastern Siberia, which began in the 17th century. Irkutsk became the center of a new diocese. In 1727, there were 8 churches and 2 monasteries, while the city was developing dynamically while being the administrative center. In 1822, it included the territory of the Yenisei Province. The easternmost diocese of Russia turned out to be the largest in terms of territory – about 10 million square kilometers, occupying more than half of the entire territory of the country and extending over two continents. In 1826, the diocese was transferred from the 3rd grade to the 2nd grade, and its bishop became the archbishop. In the future, all the lords (church leaders) received the same rank, sometimes not immediately. An important event in its history was the canonization by the Synod in December 1804 of the first bishop Innokenty Kulchitsky. The most famous in Eastern Siberia was the Ascension Monastery, which became the spiritual center of the diocese. There were four churches, a chapel, a hotel, a school, cell buildings, and outbuildings. The high bell tower, the five-domed Ascension Cathedral, and other churches and buildings were distinguished by their beauty and richness. Dramatic events of the early twentieth century forced the Irkutsk clergy to take part in social and political life. In the emerging multi-party system, they relied on right-wing and centrist political parties. Under the Soviet regime, the Irkutsk diocese, as well as the Orthodox Church as a whole, was targeted by a wave of repressions (purges). The attitude of the state to religion began to change in the conditions of perestroika. This allowed the Orthodox Church to receive a powerful impetus for its development. The result of this was the establishment of the Irkutsk Metropolis, which included the Irkutsk, Bratsk and Sayan dioceses.

scholarly journals Socio-political journalism of the «Theological Herald» during the First Russian Revolution

2015 ◽  
pp. 265-288
Author(s):  
П. Е. Липовецкий
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views

Статья посвящена рассмотрению и анализу публикаций по общественно-политической тематике официального печатного органа Московской духовной академии, журнала «Богословский вестник», в период революционных событий в России 1905–1907 годов. В связи с публицистической деятельностью журнала упоминается целый ряд церковных деятелей, занимавших ключевые для издания посты в обозреваемый период, которые определяли политику журнала, а также уделяется внимание основным авторам, излагавшим на страницах журнала свои общественно-политические взгляды. Их публикации принесли «Богословскому вестнику» репутацию либерального церковного издания. Рассматриваются наиболее популярные темы, важнейшими из которых были переустройство государства, идеология и деятельность политических партий, готовящийся Поместный Собор, социальное неравенство, а также духовное образование. В заключение отмечается, что авторы журнала отдавали предпочтение либеральному направлению общественной мысли, не стеснялись критики государственного и церковного управления, указывали на кризис в РПЦ, призывая духовенство к «освободительному движению». The article is devoted to the review and analysis of publications on social and political topics of the official press of the Moscow Theological Academy – the «Theological Journal» during the revolutionary events in Russia of 1905–1907. In connection with the journalistic activities a number of church leaders are mentioned, who held key positions in the publication team of this period, who determined the policy of the journal. Also attention is paid to the major authors, who expressed in the magazine their socio-political views, through the publication of which the «Theological Journal» earned the reputation of a liberal church publication.The article considers the most popular topics covered in the pages of «Theological messenger» during the First Russian Revolution, the most important of which were the reorganization of the state, the ideology and activities of political parties, preparation of the Local Council, social inequality, as well as religious education. In conclusion, it states that the authors of the journal favored the liberal direction of public opinion, did not hesitate to critique the state and church administration, and pointed out the crisis in the Russian Orthodox Church, urging the clergy to a «liberation movement».

Het effect van in- en uittrede bij stemverschuivingen : Een statistische analyse toegepast op gegevens uit Limburg

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Marginal Distributions ◽  
Exit Poll ◽  
Statistische Analyse ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Impact

This study evaluates the impact of new voters and deceased voters in the statistical analysis of shifts in voting behaviour from one election to another.  Conclusions about the shifts between the political parties from one election to another are ajfected by the fact that at the time of the analyzed election, the population of the former election bas substantial by changed. In order to fix the marginal distributions of the turnover table, estimations should be made about the distribution of the new voters and the deceased voters over the political parties.  Information about the new voters can be extracted from the sample in use.  Estimations of the last voting behaviour of the deceased are based on prior surveys.  The conclusions about the mutual shifts between parties are affected to the degree that the parties differ according to the age distributions.The method has been applied to exit poll datafrom the 1991 general elections in Limburg.

scholarly journals NEW MANIFESTATION OF DUAL IDENTITY IN MONTENEGRO: A CHALLENGE TO THE SERBIAN IDENTITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 09-19
Author(s):  
ALEKSANDAR RAKOVIĆ
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Publishing Company ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Dual Identity ◽  
The Cross

The paper shows how during the Cross Processions’ Movement in 2020 (litijaški pokret) and immediately after the triumph of the Serb political parties over the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) in the Montenegrin election of 30 August 2020, the certain part of clergy of the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, in cooperation with the Vijesti Publishing Company, launched a surprising wave promoting a dual Montenegrin-Serbian identity to damage the Serbian identity, what was consistent with the idea of the dioceses in Montenegro being independent of the Serbian Orthodox Church.

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