scholarly journals Rosyjska wizja Ukrainy i Ukraińców przejawem wojny hybrydowej

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri MAKAR ◽  
Liudmila NOVOSKOLTSEVA
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
International Community ◽  
Hybrid Warfare ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Main Target ◽  
Internal Affairs ◽  
Hybrid War

Artykuł przybliża kwestię rosyjskiej wojny hybrydowej przeciwko Ukrainie i jej agresywną strategię manipulowania obrazu Ukrainy na świecie. Autorzy zagłę-bili się w problem ujawniając rosyjską ingerencję w wewnętrzne sprawy Ukra-iny. Autorzy są zdania, iż agresja Rosji popierana jest ideologicznie przez wszystkie kraje tzw. rosyjskiego świata. W artykule podkreślono, że wspomina-ny „rosyjski świat”, ustanowiony na początku XXI w., jest nawiązaniem ideo-wym do tradycji panslawistycznego panowania w Europie. Zdaniem Autorów wojna hybrydowa prowadzona przeciwko Ukrainie od 2014 r. jest wyrazem realizowania idei „rosyjskiego świata”, a agresywna działalność Rosji stanowi zagrożenie dla sąsiednich państw i społeczności międzynarodowej The article discloses Russia’s hybrid warfare against Ukraine and its belliger-ent strategy to manipulate the Russians’ vision of Ukraine. The authors criti-cally delved into the problem of Russia’s justifying its aggression and interfer-ence in the internal affairs of Ukraine. The authors are convinced that Russia’s undeniable aggression was urged by the Russian World’s ideological and polit-ical practices. The authors emphasized that the Russian world, being officially established in early 21st century, developed and adjusted its tradition of pan Slavic domineering, which was propagated so far as in early 19th century. The authors as well as other scholars draw the conclusion that the Russia’s aggres-sion against Ukraine, waged out as a hybrid warfare in 2014 and resulted in the Russian World ideology, which main target is Ukraine, but, what is more important, Russia’s hybrid war poses the threat to both neighboring counties and the international community.

South Atlantic Creole Archipelagos

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sierra Leone ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Gulf Of Guinea ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Cabo Verde ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Sao Tome And Principe ◽  
African Slaves

In 2020 Cabo Verde (1557 sq. miles) and São Tomé and Príncipe (621 sq. miles) had a resident population of 556,857 and 210,240 respectively. Both archipelagos were uninhabited when they were settled by Portuguese colonists and African slaves in the second half of the 15th century. The coexistence of Europeans and Africans resulted in the emergence of Creole societies. Due to their differences in geographic position and climate, they developed unequally in economic terms. Santiago, the first of the Cabo Verde Islands to be settled, became a commercial hub for the slave trade from the Upper Guinea coast. São Tomé was also engaged in the slave trade, but in the 16th century established the first tropical plantation economy based on sugar and slave labor. In the 17th century, both archipelagos were affected by economic and demographic decline. Economic recovery did not occur before the mid-19th century. The British established a coal supply station for transatlantic steam shipping in São Vicente, while, enabled by the introduction of coffee and cocoa, the Portuguese reestablished the plantation economy in São Tomé and Príncipe. After the abolition of slavery in 1875 the workforce was composed of contract workers from Angola, Cabo Verde, and Mozambique. As a result, São Tomé and Príncipe became marked by immigration for almost a century. In contrast, pushed by famines and misery, a massive emigration from Cabo Verde began in the 19th century, a feature that has marked the archipelago’s society and identity until the early 21st century. The first anticolonial groups in exile appeared in the late 1950s. An armed liberation struggle in the islands was not possible; however, a group of Cabo Verdeans participated in the armed struggle in Portuguese Guinea. Most prominent among them was Amílcar Cabral (b. 1924–d. 1973). After independence in 1975 the two countries became socialist one-party regimes. In 1990 both archipelagos introduced multiparty democracies with semipresidential regimes. Creole communities also developed in the Gulf of Guinea islands of Bioko (779 square miles) and Annobón (6.5 sq. miles), which belonged to Portugal until 1778 when they became part of Spanish Guinea which subsequently, in 1968, gained independence as Equatorial Guinea. In the 16th century the uninhabited island of Annobón was settled by the Portuguese with African slaves. As a result, the island’s early-21st-century 5,300 inhabitants speak a Portuguese-based Creole, Fá d’Ambó. Bioko (Fernando Po), was the only Gulf of Guinea Island with a native population, the Bubi, and therefore the Portuguese never colonized this island. From 1827–1843 the British navy maintained an antislaving station called Port Clarence (modern Malabo) in Fernando Po. The British recruited workers from Freetown in Sierra Leone, which was the beginning of the development of the Fernandinos, a local Creole community that speaks an English-based Creole language known as Pichi, which is closely related to Krio in Sierra Leone. Currently, there are still about thirty Fernandino families, comprising some 350 people; however, Pichi is spoken by an estimated 150,000 people, since it also became Bioko’s lingua franca spoken by the Bubi majority.

Spain: The Long Road from an Interventionist Army to Democratic and Modern Armed Forces

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Good Deal ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
Western Sahara ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.

scholarly journals Lawfare in Hybrid Wars: The 21st Century Warfare

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres B. Munoz Mosquera ◽  
Sascha Dov Bachmann
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Hybrid Warfare ◽  
Ethical Approach ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Hybrid War ◽  
International Rule

In the context of ‘Hybrid Warfare’ as 21st Century’s threat to peace and security, this paper intends to address the role of Lawfare. The use of law as a weapon, Lawfare, 1 can have a tangible impact on democratic States when their adversaries use it in an exploitative way. Lawfare can be used in the context of Hybrid War. 2 Examples of Hybrid Warfare as witnessed in the Russian/Ukrainian conflict of 2014/2015 and the ongoing conflict with Daesh are particularly sensitive to Lawfare due to an apparent asymmetric adherence to the international rule of law among involved actors. The different legal and ethical approach of democratic States in warfare and their non-democratic opponents in Hybrid War scenarios has the potential to impact negatively on the eventual prompt success of Western military actions. The authors argue that against this backdrop it is essential for law-abiding nations to adapt an approach which uses counter-Lawfare means in support of its own legitimate objectives and to prevent opponents from using it law as a weapon for their own strategic purposes.

THE STRATEGY OF WAGING HYBRID WARFARE IN THE 21ST CENTURY

2020 ◽  
Vol XIV ◽  
pp. 0-1
Author(s):  
Adrian Mitręga
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Global Community ◽  
Hybrid Warfare ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Hybrid Threats ◽  
Hybrid War

Over the last decade, the concept of hybrid warfare has aroused great in-terest among the global community dealing with security issues, both military, and non-military. The specificity of hybrid warfare is that the fight is not for territories, but for the minds, and attitudes of citizens of other countries, and the means of combat are very sophisticated. Any hybrid war is based on a strategy that involves achievement victory by setting goals, overall plan and systematic impact on ene-my's vulnerabilities using a hybrid threat complex. In connection with the above, the aim of the article is to present the role of the strategy in waging hybrid war-fare, as well as in developing mechanisms to counteract hybrid threats.

scholarly journals THE SHIFT IN THE TRADITION OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION IN INDONESIA FROM THE 19TH CENTURY TO THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Education System ◽  
Classical System ◽  
Islamic Education ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Early 21St Century

This paper examines the Indonesian Islamic education tradition from the 19th Century to the early 21st Century. The data in this paper were obtained from written sources as well as several previous studies. The results reveal that the Islamic education tradition begins with religious recitation, which is taught individually (not collectively or in a classical system) in a teacher’s house, langgar, or surau. The relationship pattern between Islamic (pesantren-madrasah) and the regular education system is associated with Indonesia’s Islamic education system development. This pattern occurred in the 19th to the beginning of the 21st Century and is divided into two episodes. During the first two centuries (19th and 20th centuries), the Islamic education system (religious sciences organized by individuals, organizations, or government institutions) was still differentiated (convergence or synthesis) from the ordinary school education system (general sciences). At the beginning of the 21st Century, the relationship between the two education systems has indicated knowledge integration, although it is still minimal. So far, it has been rigidly divided between “religious sciences” on the one hand and “general sciences” on the other, leading to an integrated knowledge discourse. If this pattern is desired, an Islamic boarding school for higher education will be created. In which “general knowledge” is given during the day, and “religious knowledge” (Al-Qur’an and Kitab) is taught in the evening. This tradition has become a model for curriculum synthesis between the religious sciences and the general sciences to form the Islamic higher education institution.

scholarly journals The late 19th century archive in contemporary Latin American literature

Anclajes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Irina Garbatzky ◽  
◽  
Julieta Viú Adagio ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
American Literature ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Latin American Literature ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
American Modernism ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Contemporary Latin American Literature

Late 20th and early 21st century Latin American literature rereads and problematizes late 19th-century Latin American Modernism. This article examines some of these genealogies in order to analyze the significance of this literary dialogue in our present time.

scholarly journals Phonetic traits of the Chalkan language (based on the materials of V. V. Radlov, N. A. Baskakov, and modern field research)

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-179
Author(s):  
N. N. Fedina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
The 19Th Century

The paper describes the phonetic correlations found in the records done by V. V. Radlov (1866–1907), N. A. Baskakov (1934–1952), and modern Chalkan records (2010–2019). We show certain phonetic shifts that have taken place since the middle of the 19th century: spirantization of labial consonants in the inlaut; the shifts in consonants: j-č-t’; elimination of the auslaut -ғ (-ɣ). Graphic correlations are also shown in anlaut: p- (mid-19th century), b- (mid-20th century), p- (early 21st century). The text analysis in the diachronic aspect allowed us to assume that the anlaut grapheme “b” in the texts of N. A. Baskakov is not a confirmation of the presence of the corresponding sound [b] in the language of the Chalkans of the beginning of the 20th century. The use of the analog sound [p] instead of [b] is evidenced by the materials of V. V. Radlov. N. A. Baskakov most likely used the grapheme “b” in his texts to reflect Chalkan speech at the beginning of the 20th century by analogy with other Turkic closely related languages in which this sound is present. Graphic correlations are also shown in inlaut: -џ- (mid-19th century), -dž- / -ž- (mid-20th century), -ž- / -š’- (early 21st century). Graphic variations stem from the fact that the Chalkan language remains unwritten to this day, and for the transmission of national speech, researchers and native speakers use graphics of written Altai and Russian languages, adapting it to the features of their speech.

A receding paradigm as a tool of language discrimination

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
István Kozmács
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Language Use ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Standard Variety ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Language Discrimination ◽  
Language Revival ◽  
Revival Movement ◽  
Long Time

AbstractThe 1Sg forms of ik-verbs are identical in the definite and indefinite conjugations in Standard Hungarian. The use of nonstandard forms can evoke discrimination despite the fact that it has been well-known for a long time that by the 18th century the ik-paradigm survived only in some eastern and western dialects of the language (Simonyi, 1906a, p. 14; Brassai, 2011, p. 253; Benkő, 1992, p. 213). In the early 19th century the language revival movement revived the disappearing ik-conjugation (Révai, 1806) and made it part of the educated, literary, and later standard variety.The present paper demonstrates how a paradigm that almost completely receded became the tool of language stigmatization as a result of the actions of those with linguistic power, and shows, on the basis of a questionnaire based study, to what extent the ik-paradigm is present in the language use of 14–19-year-olds at the beginning of the 21st century.

The Rise of Paganism and the Far Right in Europe

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaarina Aitamurto
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The 19Th Century

Since the end of the 19th century, pagan ideas have inspired some representatives of nationalist, conservative, and far right political ideologies. The idea of a native tradition connected to land and ancestry, as well as the image of organic, hierarchical societies with warrior values, has fascinated conservative thinkers. Paganism as the suppressed other has also served as a symbol for various subversive ideologies. However, the use of pagan symbols, mythology, and imagery in political movements is often superficial. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between different forms of paganism. While some appear more unambiguously religious, others can be better described as political, cultural, or philosophical paganism. Having said that, neither contemporary pagan religious movements nor pagan-inspired politics can be understood separately from each other. Ideas, concepts, and individuals move between the two, and they are both shaped by changes in the surrounding society. In the early 21st century, the mainstream pagan religious organizations of many European countries have adopted a generally apolitical and anti-racist stance. However, the rise of xenophobia and far right parties provides fertile ground for the rise of illiberal and exclusivist forms of paganism as well.

Thinking Through Poetry

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Levinson
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Science ◽  
Literary Criticism ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Time Span ◽  
Literary Study ◽  
Scientific Communities ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
New Models ◽  
History Of

This is a work of and about literary criticism. Its title signals a contribution to debates about reading. We think “through”—“by means of,” “with”—poems, sympathetically elaborating their surfaces. We “think through” poems to their end—solving a problem, getting to their roots. And we “think through” to “go beyond,” in a philosophical, speculative criticism to which the poem carries us. All three meanings of “through” are in play throughout. The subtitle applies “field” first to Romantic studies—offering new readings of canonical British Romantic poems to address contemporary topics (depth vs. surface, formalism’s return, materialism, theory vs. history of lyric), and narrating, enacting, and conceptualizing the arc of the field’s scholarship since the 1980s. Examples are drawn especially from Wordsworth, but also from Coleridge and, for Romanticism’s afterlife, from Stevens. In addition, “field” indicates the shift during that time-span from a unitary to a field-concept of form, a concept that synthesizes form and history, privileges analytic scale, and displaces entity (text) by “relation” as object of investigation. Connecting early 19th-century intellectual trends to antecedents in Spinoza and related 20th/21st-century revolutions in the postclassical sciences, the book introduces new models to literary study. Unlike accounts of science’s influence on literature, or various “literature + X” approaches (literature and ecology, literature and cognitive science), it constructs its object in a way cognate with work in non-humanities disciplines, thus highlighting a certain unity to knowledge. The claim is that literary critics can renew understanding of their own field by studying the thinking of certain scientific communities.

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