Trump’s administration tough approach: USA at edge of foreign Policy Transformation

2018 ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Vakhtang Maisaia

After the inauguration of new President of the USA Donald Trump have been passed more than three months and some assumptions could be considered how the Administration completes its foreign policy and national security missions. Donald Trump has purported in his first days of his presidency to prepare new version of National Security Strategy. However due to incompleteness for key positions for foreign policy and national defense in the Administration – as President Donald Trump at his initial phase of his presidency in 2016-17, managed to drag on the positions of State Department and Defense Department his personalities – like Rex Tillerson and James Mattis as well as John Kelly as Homeland Security Chief. All these personalities have very decisive influence on formulating goals and missions of national security and foreign policy at global levels. The team is to be labelled “tough hawks” and the hawks have already demonstrated their claws and the Russian “hawks” in name of authoritarian authority of the Kremlin Administration in Moscow have been blundered in declamation pre-emptive delight for having elected Donald Trump against Hillary Clinton. At his first part of the presidency and as soon as he was elected as the president, D. Trump made no secret of his admiration for the military, and former and current brass feature prominently in his national security team: Mattis, and Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly, are both retired Marine generals, and Army Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster is his national security adviser. This was his first team after his fascinated election. Certainly the Kremlin has contributed it’s pare in forwarding anti-Democrat challenger’s to Presidential race and with usage of cyber-warfare capabilities almost has reached its mission. The Syrian tragic event – gas attack in Khan-Sheikhun where more than 78 children died and many injured and the genocide had been done by the Moscow supported Assad regime troops with the Russian jets participation indicated international criminality and cruelty, it was imagination that no any power could counter-weight the genocide. It was suspicious story that the chemical attack had been conducted by the Russian military contingent in Syria in order to crack down resistance of anti-Assad rebel forces in Idlib province next to Aleppo in order to reinforce its political-military presence in the Middle East. The Russians caused of feeling full and complete dominance at the regional level and with Iranian engagement were in mind to boost up their presence even beyond the regional scope, notable in Maghreb (in Libya and in Egypt).

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Warren ◽  
Shona Leitch

Australia has developed sophisticated national security policies and physical security agencies to protect against current and future security threats associated with critical infrastructure protection and cyber warfare protection. In this paper, the authors examine some common security risks that face Australia and how government policies and strategies have been developed and changed over time, for example, the proposed Australian Homeland Security department. This paper discusses the different steps that Australia has undertaken in relation to developing national policies to deal with critical infrastructure protection.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Widya Dwi Rachmawati

The geopolitical security condition of Eastern Europe has undergone a drastic shift from Communist to Democratic ideology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Poland immediately joined the Western alliance, which led to the massive structural changes of the country. The shift has had an enormous impact on Russia where it has made various confrontations to regain its influence in the region. Russia continues to increase tensions by increasing the military capabilities of Kaliningrad Oblast, which is directly bordered by Poland. In response, the Polish government made efforts to modernize its military as part of the Defense White Book 2013 to improve its military capabilities in response to Russian military presence in Kaliningrad Oblast. The role of the global players (EU, NATO, and the USA) is key important to the security stability of the region. Poland on its four pillars specifically calls the alliance with the USA and becomes a member of NATO as an important factor in the formulation of its defense policy, in which Poland could increase the capabilities of its Armed Forces.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles-Philippe David ◽  
Sébastien Barthe

Résumé.Comment expliquer la politique de sécurité nationale américaine, notamment l'évolution de certaines décisions en matière de politique étrangère et de sécurité intérieure ? Quels acteurs et quels facteurs rendent compte des résultats pour le moins controversés de celles-ci ? Au-delà des discours, des institutions et des énoncés, les choix de sécurité ont été l'œuvre de ceux que nous surnommons les « entrepreneurs » de la prise de décision. La question à laquelle cet article veut répondre est précisément de savoir qui sont ces « entrepreneurs » et comment ils ont réalisé cet objectif de transformation des politiques de sécurité des États-Unis. Trois prises de décision de la première administration Bush sont abordées : la guerre préventive en Irak, la redéfinition légale de la notion de torture, et l'institutionnalisation plus grande de la sécurité intérieure.Abstract.How are we to explain U.S. foreign policy, particularly policymaking on national security and homeland security, under the first administration of G. W. Bush? Who were the actors and what were the factors that produced what were, to say the least, controversial results? Looking beyond the speeches, statements and institutions, the security decisions can be seen as the work of “policy entrepreneurs.” This article considers who those entrepreneurs were and how they achieved their goal of transforming U.S. security policy. Three decisions are discussed: the pre-emptive war in Iraq, the legal redefinition of torture by the Bush administration, and the institutionalization of homeland security, in particular thePatriot Act.


Author(s):  
A. A. Krivopalov

The crisis in the Ukraine not only has maximally escalated the relations among Russia, Europe and the USA but also brought Moscow to the brink of direct military conflict with Kiev. In the context of the civil war outbroken in the Ukraine an opportunity to confirm its demands in the sphere of foreign policy by open force is vital for Russia. However, the nature of two level Ukrainian conflict is such that a direct military confrontation is still possible either between Novorossiya and Ukraine or between Ukraine and Russia if the latter makes a decision to support Donbass at a critical moment. But a conflict is impossible between Russia and NATO because an outbreak of an open war will be prevented by the existing strategic nuclear balance. The presence of a nuclear factor makes military demonstration the most rigid form for confirmation of the demands in the sphere of foreign policy by the conflicting parties. Its most possible scenario is a frontal extension of the Russian ground forces deployed on the Ukrainian border to the west even to the Dnieper line and the border with the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic in the Black Sea region. The article sequentially discusses the he strengths and weaknesses of the group of Russian troops on the Ukrainian border, then - the opportunities of the USA and NATO to organize an air bridge to disrupt a possible a possible extension of the Russian troops to the west. The author makes a conclusion that the first units of the rapid deployment forces could arrive to the area near Kiev not earlier than 10-15 hours. Full deployment of the US expeditionary brigade may take from 14 to 18 days. Such a period seems to be excessive. Two-week cushion of time will allow the Russian military to perform all the tasks in the Levoberezhnaya (leftbank) Ukraine while the US troops at the best case will manage to protect the Ukrainian capital. In the nearest time, NATO will tackle obvious difficulties in all the issues related to the projection of force to the South East of the Ukraine. However, in the future in the course of the development of military infrastructure and accumulation of forces this advantage of Russia will be decreasing.


Never Trump ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 13-39
Author(s):  
Robert P. Saldin ◽  
Steven M. Teles

Chapter 2 discusses how the John Hay Initiative, the Republican foreign policy establishment, became the purest strain of Never Trumpism. The John Hay Initiative was designed to create a firewall around the heresies of Rand Paul and to help the other Republican candidates competently defend their vision of conservative internationalism. However, no one around the project imagined that their party would be tempted by a figure like Donald Trump. Trump's candidacy threw them into a world of uncertainty, in which all of their experience and strategies were suddenly rendered unhelpful or even counterproductive. In sharp contrast to most of the rest of the groups discussed in this book, they responded to Trump with open, furious, and mostly unified opposition. There were two primary reasons that people within the Republican national security network offer for having gone Never Trump. First, many were mortified at Trump's statements on foreign policy issues. Even so, most Never Trumpers in the foreign policy network say that their objections ran deeper than policy disputes; it was Trump's fundamental and unredeemable character flaws that constituted the core problem.


Significance The news comes at a difficult time for President Donald Trump: he needs foreign policy wins to contribute to his chances of re-election in November 2020, and he has invested political capital in improving ties with North Korea. Moreover, foreign policy related controversies have seen Trump put under formal impeachment investigation. Impacts Trump will likely take a less hawkish tone towards Iran and North Korea with the departure of John Bolton as national security adviser. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s foreign policy influence will grow, provided he maintains the president’s favour. The administration will renew its push to emphasise religious freedom as a foreign policy objective. If the impeachment investigations turn up damaging evidence, Trump will have to divert more time to fighting allegations.


Author(s):  
V. Y. Vorobiev

Long-standing objectives of U.S. foreign policy remain unaltered regardless of the person incumbent. The US elite unanimously see the purpose of maintaining its leading role in international relations. It is still possible that there will be some corrections the American foreign policy but they will not alter the general line. Donald Trump won the US presidential elections. He announced one of his strategic lines in foreign policy is to deter China. From the author's point of view, is to have complex consequences in economics, foreign-policy and defense strategies. The economic growth of China is declining, albeit for the past decades China became the second world power. The USA, at the same time, successfully overcame the consequences of financial crisis 2009. Nowadays, the GDP gap between considering countries is growing again and China is unlikely to reduce it in the short term. It is possible that during the diplomatic negotiations, the USA will reduce its influence in some world regions: they are ready to redistribute the spheres responsibility and demonstrate their attentive position to the interests of other state. The US-China relationships exist in changeable and dynamic forms and in this context, China relates to the stability of its partnership with Russia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801985804
Author(s):  
Eddie Hearn

Does an internationally unpopular president reduce support for US foreign policy? This article examines how President Trump’s endorsement influences foreign policy preferences abroad. A nationally-representative survey experiment is conducted on Japanese attitudes concerning the government’s response to the recent North Korean missile launches. It is found that leadership credibility has a significant impact on the public. Japanese citizens are less likely to support an aggressive response to North Korea when it is endorsed by President Trump. The effect of leadership credibility, however, may not be entirely distinct from general anti-American sentiments. These results indicate that, even in high politics related to national security, Trump’s lack of credibility abroad hinders allies’ ability to cooperate with the USA by eroding domestic support, but it is difficult to separate the Trump effect from broader attitudes toward the USA.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-189
Author(s):  
Luis da Vinha

Abstract The Carter Administration came to Office seeking to continue a policy of détente. However, the Administration’s policy vis-à-vis the Soviets became more assertive throughout the Presidency, culminating in the Carter Doctrine. The current paper applies a conceptual framework for “issue selling” to argue that a more assertive foreign policy was being promoted by the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and his NSC staff since the early days of the Carter Presidency. By applying an assortment of issue selling strategies, Zbigniew Brzezinski and the NSC staff were able to exploit the communicative interactions amongst the political leadership to continuously promote a more forceful US policy towards the Soviets. By being able to interpret and define the problem representation facing the Administration, the APNSA was able initiate and continuously promote a wholesale policy transformation leading to the development of the Carter Doctrine.


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