scholarly journals Muriel Rukeyser and the Security of the Imagination: Poetry and Propaganda in 1940s America

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-445
Author(s):  
Eleanor Careless

This article begins by situating Muriel Rukeyser's call for ‘the security of the imagination’ within the highly charged historical contexts of the 1940s, a decade bracketed not only by war but by America's growing obsession with security – from President Roosevelt's ‘Four Freedoms’ speech of 1941 to the rise of McCarthyism at the end of the forties. It then examines how Rukeyser's work as a propagandist, a poet and an essayist in the 1940s was deeply shaped by her involvement with the American security services. It further shows how Rukeyser sought to combine words and images in both her war posters and her poems in an attempt to forge an expansive, inclusive and antifascist mode of representation. In a significant departure from other studies of this period, this article brings original archival sources into contact with Rukeyser's poetry, and reads these literary and archival documents through the theoretical lens of security studies. In the face of an increasingly paranoid, repressive political climate, Rukeyser's wartime propaganda work and poetry offers ways of thinking past dominant assumptions structuring the discourse of security.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Elder ◽  
Yrian Derreumaux;Derreumaux ◽  
Brent Hughes

Throughout life, people sometimes lie to curry favor or mitigate disharmony with others, a tendency that may be exacerbated under moments of elevated tension. This phenomenon is captured by the economic theoretical framework of Preference Falsification, which describes why people misrepresent their beliefs in the face of social pressures, and how misrepresentation accumulates to broader misunderstandings that can fuel political polarization. We describe why the current political climate may foster motivations to misrepresent beliefs, as individuals are increasingly siloed into like-minded communities with strong pressures to conform to group norms. Next, we adopt a psychological lens to understand and integrate three motivations that underlie individual misrepresentation – relating to an individual’s intrinsic preference, their reputational concern, and their desire for expression – and describe how individual acts of misrepresentation can propagate across social connections to establish misrepresented beliefs as public consensus. Finally, we outline inroads for examining Preference Falsification using psychological methods that may be uniquely suited to elucidate the different social dynamics and issues that elicit this behavior, with the goal of spurring future research. Ultimately, we argue that fostering a more ideologically pluralistic and socially interconnected society may offer one route to reducing misrepresentation and collective misunderstanding, and thereby attenuate polarization and intergroup antipathy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 016059762093288
Author(s):  
Ahzin Bahraini

Colorism is the intra- and interracial discrimination an individual experiences based on one’s phenotype. Current research focused on colorism among black Americans has found that “dark-skinned blacks have lower levels of education, income, and job status” in the United States. As bias against Middle Easterners rises in the United States, current research regarding this population is scarce. In the context of today’s political climate, the term Muslim has become a misnomer to refer to the Middle Eastern population, with the term Islamophobia specifically referring to Middle Easterners regardless of their religion rather than individuals from regions of the world who practice Islam. Participants ordered job applicants in terms of who they would hire, followed by interviews. Through 16 semi-structured interviews, this project identifies what participants believe are phenotypically Middle Eastern and Muslim facial features. Throughout the study, participants preferred to hire lighter Middle Eastern women.


Author(s):  
Narkas V. Akhmadieva ◽  

Introduction. In the 1960s – mid-1980s, in the face of an increase in crime, the state transferred some law enforcement and domestic security functions to the public. Activities of public organizations — voluntary people’s guards (Russ. DND) — contributed to countering the growth of crime and delinquency in the country. Despite the availability of scientific papers dealing with activities of the DND in the indicated years nationwide, the regional aspect of the issue remains understudied. DNDs were further developed in the post-Soviet period, which confirms their efficiency and significance. Goals. The paper seeks to analyze activities of voluntary people’s guards in the 1960s – mid1980s. For this, a number of objectives be tackled, such as to consider the dynamics of their development, analyze forms of countering the growth of offenses in Bashkiria in the indicated years, state policy towards this public organization. Materials. The article primarily investigates materials and documents deposited in the National Archive of Bashkortostan which contains valuable information thereto, including about the system of measures aimed at combating the growth of offenses. Methods. The work employs the historical-genetic method which made it possible to examine the dynamics of development and structural changes in the DND. The analysis of archival documents and materials involves the principles of objectivity and historicism, and that of scientificity, which proves instrumental in exploring the topic in certain historical backgrounds. Results. The period under consideration witnessed the creation of a network of voluntary people’s guards as an auxiliary organization designed to combat the growth of crime and delinquency in Bashkiria. The squads were controlled by authorities and grew to become a powerful law enforcement institution. Moreover, those facilitated further legal education of Soviet citizens. DNDs and order control agencies did prove efficient in reducing the level of offenses. The paper concludes the involvement of ordinary citizens in law and order protection activities was determined by the then increasing criminalization of society and flaws in the order and safety system. Party and state bodies were thus forced to initiate and support the movement.


Author(s):  
Juliano Bona ◽  
Camila Thaisa Alves Bona ◽  
José Marcelo Freitas de Luna

When we think of mathematics we feel we are facing a kind of universal knowledge that brings us closer to the truth. Transcendence is the space where we place this kind of objectification of mathematics. However, criticism of this type of hegemonic mathematics has been growing in recent years. In the face of hegemony and criticism, the objective of this article is to analyze internationalization of the curriculum (IoC) as the plane of immanence, and the process of conceptual construction in the field of philosophy. On these bases which in some ways represent the background that supports the critique of hegemonic mathematics, we can think of other possibilities that we call intermathematics. As an essay text, it follows theoretical contribution: BACHELARD (2008), BICUDO (1993), CANDAU (2002), DELEUZE (2000), DELEUZE (1996), FOUCAULT (2013), LEASK (20015), LUNA (2016), SANTOS (2002), SILVA (2010). To achieve the general objective, we divide the analysis into three parts. First, we approach the relationship between IoC and the immanence plan in the field of mathematics education. In a second moment, we discuss the idea of the plane of immanence and the IoC. Finally, we articulate methodological aspects, the plane of immanence and the conceptual construction process in an attempt to construct intermathematic possibilities. In this movement, we emphasize not only criticism of hegemonic mathematics, but also we indicate the ways of thinking mathematics in immanence through geo-mathematics, ethnomathematics and intermathematics.


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis O'Brien

AbstractTo unravel the intricacies of the last argument of the Phaedo for the immortality of the soul, the reader has to peel away successive presuppositions, his own, Plato's and not least the presupposition that Plato very skilfully portrays as being shared by Socrates and his friends.A first presupposition is the reader's own. According to our modern ways of thinking, a soul that is immortal, if there is such a thing, is a soul that lives forever. That presupposition is not shared by Socrates and Cebes (Socrates' interlocutor in the final argument). A soul that survives separation from the body, once or a number of times, is held to have survived death and therefore to be immortal. But it does not follow that it will live forever. For a soul to live forever, it must be shown to be not only immortal, but imperishable. Only if the soul is both immortal and imperishable can the assembled company be sure that the Socrates who is talking to them now will still be living when, after sunset, he has drunk the hemlock and can talk to them no more.The modern reader who has divested himself of the presupposition that immortal and imperishable are mere synonyms, and therefore appreciates the need for an argument designed specifically to prove that the soul is imperishable and not merely immortal, has nonetheless to be aware of a second presupposition, a presupposition shared by Socrates and his friends which restricts the meaning that the modern reader might otherwise suppose to be conveyed by the word 'imperishable'. Both Socrates and Cebes, as portrayed in the Phaedo, take it for granted that the only time when the soul might perish is the moment of her separation from the body. Provided it can be shown that the soul will survive separation from the body, no matter how often the body is taken from her, the soul, so they are happy to assume, will have shown herself to be both immortal and imperishable.We do not have to suppose that this second presupposition is shared by the author of the dialogue. Plato's subtle but insistent restriction of the moment when the soul might be threatened with extinction to the moment of her separation from the body has been deliberately designed to alert the reader to a way of thinking which Socrates, Cebes and Echecrates all take for granted, but which Plato does not necessarily invite the reader of the dialogue to share.The restriction is nonetheless essential to the structure of the argument. It is because Socrates does not envisage a possible extinction of the soul at any moment other than the moment of separation from the body that he is able to present a soul that is essentially alive as immune to the death which separates soul from body, however often such a separation may occur, and as therefore (so he claims) not only immortal but imperishable.In presenting that argument, how far has Plato deliberately foregone any attempt to prove that the soul is imperishable subsequently to the moment of her separation from the body? Socrates argues that the soul is unaffected by the death of the body because she is essentially alive. He does not argue that she is immune to destruction or extinction because she is essentially existent. In the face of Plato's silence, in the Phaedo and elsewhere, the modern reader has to hold in abeyance a third and final presupposition, that only a being whose essence it is to exist can of its nature never not exist.To understand the dialogue is therefore no easy matter. The reader needs to distinguish Socrates as the mouthpiece of Plato from Plato as the author of the dialogue. At the same time the modern reader has to distinguish the Plato of history from a fictional Plato who shares our own ideas and our own preconceptions, including the concept of a being cuius essentia est esse. An intricate double task, which other modern readers of the dialogue have so far not even attempted.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1051-1059
Author(s):  
Sergey V. Bogdanov ◽  
◽  
Vladimir G. Ostapyuk ◽  
Natalya A. Zhukova ◽  
◽  
...  

The article considers one aspect of everyday life of the population of Leningrad and the Leningrad region in the first months of the Great Patriotic War, which had been carefully concealed by official Soviet propaganda. Throughout all postwar decades up to the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian historical science continued to reproduce the myth of absolute unity of the Soviet society and mass patriotic enthusiasm of the working class, kolkhoz peasants and intelligentsia in the face of enemy aggression. And yet archival documents of the state security agencies reveal numerous facts and distinctive features of anti-Soviet manifestations among various socio-professional groups of the population of Leningrad and the Leningrad region in the first months following the German invasion in the Soviet territory. These facts show that the imminent war had a serious impact on the inner world of the inhabitants of the Northern capital of the Soviet Union, exacerbating numerous problems that had accumulated in the Soviet society in the decades before the war. The article mostly draws on the recently declassified situation reports of the People's Commissariat of State Security for the city of Leningrad and the Leningrad region from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense. It deals with such occurrences of anti-state sentiment as panic rumors, anti-Soviet agitation, listening to the radio-broadcasts of hostile states, distribution of anti-Soviet leaflets, planning pogroms of local party and state leaders. It analyses key features of anti-Soviet manifestations among urban and rural population. It contains information on the first manifestations of collaboration among those inhabitants of the Leningrad region, who had ended up in the territory occupied by the German troops. It studies mechanics of repressive activities of state security bodies caused by restructuring of Soviet society, while the military operations began.


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-130
Author(s):  
Jennifer Ratner-Rosenhagen

‘Epilogue’ traces the turn-of-the-twenty-first century interest in globalization and its implication for addressing intellectual problems in the United States. The perils and possibilities of globalization for American life vexed thinkers on how globalization intensified nationalism around the world. Globalization was a new framework and scale for long-standing and familiar ways of thinking about the boundaries of moral communities. It also refashioned identities in the face of a diverse world and uncertain future.


Author(s):  
Daniel W. B. Lomas

Drawing extensively on recently released documents and private papers, this is the first extensive book-length study to examine the intimate relationship between the Attlee government and Britain’s intelligence and security services. Often praised for the formation of the modern-day ‘welfare state’, Attlee’s government also played a significant, if little understood, role in combatting communism at home and overseas, often in the face of vocal, sustained, opposition from their own backbenches. Beneath Attlee’s calm exterior lay a dedicated, if at times cautious, Cold War warrior, dedicated to combatting communism at home and overseas. This study tells the story of Attlee’s Cold War. At home, the Labour government implemented vetting to protect Whitehall and other areas of the Cold War state from communists, while, overseas, Attlee and his Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin authorised a series of highly secret special operations in Eastern Europe, designed to erode Soviet influence, told here for the first time in significant detail. More widely, Ministers also strengthened Imperial and Commonwealth security and, responding to a series of embarrassing spy scandals, tried to revive Britain’s vital nuclear transatlantic ‘special relationship’ with Washington. This study is essential reading for anyone interested in the Labour Party, intelligence, security and Britain’s foreign and defence policy at the start of the Cold War.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-544
Author(s):  
A.T.H. Smith

Once upon a time, the Crown faced almost no difficulties in securing convictions for breaches of the Official Secrets Act 1911, particularly section 2. After the somewhat embarrassing decision to proceed had been taken, it was like shooting fish in a barrel. Occasionally, the jury revolted, as they did in Ponting [1985] Crim. L.R. 315, producing something like a perverse verdict in the face of the judicial direction that it was no defence that the defendant believed himself to be acting in the public interest. That decision, and the ruling of the House of Lords in the Spycatcher litigation [1990] 1 A.C. 109 to the effect that the former security service agent Peter Wright did not commit an actionable breach of confidence by making his allegations of improper practices within the services, prompted the government of the day to promote legislation that purported to impose life-long obligations of confidence upon members and former members of the security intelligence services. “Purported” because, with the enactment of the Human Rights Act 1998, it is now open to the courts inter alia to declare that Parliament has acted incompatibly with one of the rights protected by that Act.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-394
Author(s):  
I-Fang Lee

Care in the early years entails more than childcare. This paper has three major sections. In the first section, I begin with an introduction and a quick overview of the ECEC system in Australia. This snapshot of the Australian ECEC system presents a messy map of the care and education system for young children under a neoliberal political economy to elucidate what this may mean in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. With this contextual background of the ECEC system in Australia, in the second section I discuss my theoretical, ethical, political, ontological, and epistemological positioning when re-imagining and reconceptualizing what a socially just ECEC landscape might look like through the lens of a feminism approach. This onto-epistemological discussion explains the shift toward a feminist approach and how this enables me to (re)think about care and education in the early years differently. Taking up this different set of analytical tools with a post-structural sensibility of the politics of caring, in the third section, I continue on to critical analyses and discussions, highlighting the paradoxes of care and education in the early years. A key aim of this paper is to un-settle the taken-for-granted ways of thinking and talking about ECEC in Australia. I build my discussions by unsettling the dominant ways of thinking about care and education in the early years to deconstruct the narrowed political rhetoric of care in the early years as childcare only. I assert such a critical analytical position requires a new language from a new onto-epistemological positioning to mobilize a different system of reasoning as a strategy for re-imagining a new landscape toward an ethical world with social justice and greater social inclusion for all children.


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