On the Quantification Meaning of the Construction of Gradable Adjective Antonym that Co-occurs in a Sentence

2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 169-194
Author(s):  
Lee Dong-hyeok
Keyword(s):  
Gradable Adjective

Adjectival Nominalization

On Goodness ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 217-262
Author(s):  
David Conan Wolfsdorf
Keyword(s):  
Lattice Structure ◽  
Mass Noun ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Mass Nouns ◽  
Count Nouns ◽  
Standard Of Comparison ◽  
Semantic Properties ◽  
Second Degree

Chapter 6 focuses on the semantics and metaphysical implications of the semantics of the adjectival nominalization “goodness.” Adjectival nominalizations of the form “F-ness” are almost always mass nouns. The mass noun “goodness” derives gradability of a kind from the gradable adjective that it incorporates. So “goodness” is a gradable adjectival nominalization. Mass nouns are distinguished from count nouns on the basis of two semantic properties, called “semantic cumulativity” and “semantic divisibility.” The denotations of mass nouns are then interpreted in terms of the mereological structure of a join semi-lattice. The denotation of gradable mass nouns incorporate scalar as well as mereological structure. In the case of “goodness,” the elements at the base of the lattice structure are instances of goodness. An instance of goodness is a so-called qua quantitative trope, precisely one degree of purpose serving qua exceeding a second degree of purpose serving, where the latter is a standard of comparison.

Cognitive processing of scalar implicatures with Chinese gradable adjectives

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-403
Author(s):  
Si Liu ◽  
Yi Yang
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Processing ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Literal Meaning ◽  
Experimental Paradigm ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Background Belief ◽  
Default Model

Abstract In previous research comparing the Context-driven Model with the Default Model of meaning processing, the former was preferred. It predicts that contexts play an exclusively decisive role in meaning processing, whereas the latter holds that the inference of literal meaning generally goes through, unless it is subsequently defaulted or cancelled by the context it is associated with. The Standardization Model, which we added to our experiments, highlights that implicatures are figured out from standardized forms typically based on the mutual background belief and speaker’s intention. We tested whether Chinese people’s processing of the gradable adjective scale <hot, burning> conformed more to the Context-driven Model, the Default Model, or the Standardization Model. The results demonstrated that the Standardization Model is the most acceptable among the three. The findings of this study, which is the first study using the experimental paradigm on Chinese gradable adjectives, highlighted a need for further studies to investigate the same questions with different languages and cultures.

What Is Democracy (and What Is Its Raison D’Etre)?

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALVIN I. GOLDMAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Power Measurement ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Power Equality ◽  
Substantial Equality

ABSTRACT:This article aims to say what democracy is or what the predicate ‘democratic’ means, as opposed to saying what is good, right, or desirable about it. The basic idea—by no means a novel one—is that a democratic system is one that features substantial equality of political power. More distinctively it is argued that ‘democratic’ is a relative gradable adjective, the use of which permits different, contextually determined thresholds of democraticness. Thus, a system can be correctly called ‘democratic’ even if it does not feature perfect equality of power. The article's central undertaking is to give greater precision to the operative notion(s) of power. No complete or fully unified measure of power is offered, but several conceptual tools are introduced that help give suitable content to power measurement. These tools include distinctions between conditional versus unconditional power and direct versus indirect power. Using such tools, a variety of prima facie problems for the power equality approach are addressed and defused. Finally, the theory is compared to epistemic and deliberative approaches to democracy; and reasons are offered for the attractiveness of democracy that flows from the power equality theme.

Manner implicatures and how to spot them

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Rett
Keyword(s):  
Propositional Attitude ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Conversational Implicature ◽  
General Sense ◽  
General Picture ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Scalar Quantity ◽  
Conversational Implicatures ◽  
Attitude Verbs ◽  
Question Under Discussion

Abstract The goal of this paper is to help develop a general picture of conversational implicature (Grice, 1975) by looking beyond scalar implicature to see how the phenomenon behaves in a general sense. I focus on non-scalar Quantity implicatures and Manner implicatures. I review canonical examples of Manner implicature, as well as a more recent, productive one involving gradable adjective antonym pairs (Rett, 2015). Based on these data, I argue that Manner implicatures—and conversational implicatures generally—are distinguishable primarily by their calculability; their reinforceability; their discourse sensitivity (to the Question Under Discussion; Roberts, 1990; van Kuppevelt, 1995; Simons et al., 2011); and their embeddability (under negation, propositional attitude verbs, quantifiers, etc.). I use these data to draw conclusions about the usefulness of implicature-specific operators and about ways to compositionally represent conversational implicatures.

scholarly journals Informational goals, sentence structure, and comparison class inference

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Henry Tessler ◽  
Polina Tsvilodub ◽  
Jesse Snedeker ◽  
Roger Philip Levy
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Sentence Structure ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Comparison Class ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Class A ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right ◽  
Great Dane

Understanding a gradable adjective (e.g., big) requires making reference to a comparison class, a set of objects or entities against which the referent is implicitly compared (e.g., big for a Great Dane), but how do listeners decide upon a comparison class? Simple models of semantic composition stipulate that the adjective combines with a noun, which necessarily be- comes the comparison class (e.g., “That Great Dane is big” means big for a Great Dane). We investigate an alternative hypothesis built on the idea that the utility of a noun in an adjectival utterance can be either for reference (getting the listener to attend to the right object) or predication (describing a property of the referent). Therefore, we hypothesize that when the presence of a noun N can be explained away by its utility in reference (e.g., being in the subject position: “That N is big”), it is less likely to set the comparison class. Across three pre-registered experiments, we find evidence that listeners use the noun as a cue to infer comparison classes consistent with a trade-off between reference and predication. This work highlights the complexity of the relation between the form of an utterance and its meaning.

scholarly journals Degree Infinitival Clauses

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Bylinina
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Composition ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Way

I discuss the structure and semantic composition of the so-called "Attributive-with-Infinitive" construction -- a construction that contains a positive gradable adjective in the attributive position, and a gapped infinitival clause. Studying the way the adjective combines with the infinitival clause will suggest a new type of an infinitival clause -- a degree interval-denoting one. The analysis will have consequences for the nature of a positive morpheme.

Certainty and possibility

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Lassiter
Keyword(s):  
Upper Bound ◽  
Ratio Scale ◽  
Natural Explanation ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Lines Of Evidence ◽  
Scale Classification

This chapter discusses several more epistemic adjectives. Certain and its near-synonym sure are maximum adjectives that combine with proportional and percentage modifiers. A comparison with non-modal adjectives suggests a ratio-scale classification with at least an upper bound. Several lines of evidence indicate that certainty and likelihood are formally closely related. However, there are puzzles around the interpretation of uncertain that indicate that the relation may not be one of identity. I consider three possible analyses, all of which have certain advantages and drawbacks. I then turn to possible, which is often claimed to be non-gradable. Naturalistic data indicate that possibility is a graded concept (e.g., increase the possibility of), and that possible is gradable (e.g., too/very/n% possible). While an analysis in terms of some kind of scalar coercion is technically feasible, the most natural explanation is that possible is a gradable adjective whose scale is closely related to likely’s scale.

Gradability

On Goodness ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 45-88
Author(s):  
David Conan Wolfsdorf
Keyword(s):  
Upper Bound ◽  
Significant Degree ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Lexical Meaning ◽  
Comparison Class ◽  
Gradable Adjective

The sense of “good” that has been of principal interest to philosophers and that is the focus of chapters 3, 4, and 5 is evaluative “good.” Hereafter, the modifier “evaluative” is dropped. “Good” is a gradable adjective. Accordingly, chapter 3 examines the semantics of gradable adjectives. The chapter argues that “good” is the unmarked member of an antonym pair of relative gradable adjectives, the marked member being (evaluative) “bad.” The lexical meaning of “good” is associated with a non-significant degree on an open scale of unspecified value. In tokenings of sentences of the form “x is good,” the degree associated with “good” is modulated to a significant degree. Significance of degree is a quantity that exceeds the upper bound of a range of numeric values based on a contextually determined comparison class.

scholarly journals Degrees and segments

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Schwarzschild
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Independent Interest ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Measure Function ◽  
Verb Phrases ◽  
Potential Benefits ◽  
The Way

I make two related proposals, one about directed scale segments and the other about the nature of degrees. Bale (2007, 2011) argued that degrees should be analyzed as sets of individuals and that degree arguments are created in the syntax from relational predicates. Schwarz (2010) showed that Bale’s construction runs into problems when the required degree relation is complex, denoted by an LF constituent that contains more than just a gradable adjective. I modify Bale’s proposal so that it overcomes Schwarz’s objection. But first I propose a semantics for comparatives based on quantification over directed scale segments, triples consisting of two degrees and a measure function. The modification of Bale’s proposal depends upon this. Segments are of independent interest as they permit a conjunctive semantics for extended adjectival phrases, the way events do for verb phrases. Potential benefits of ‘degree-conjunctivism’ are explored.

scholarly journals Degree Infinitival Clauses

2015 ◽  
pp. 394
Author(s):  
Lisa Bylinina
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Composition ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Way

I discuss the structure and semantic composition of the so-called "Attributive-with-Infinitive" construction -- a construction that contains a positive gradable adjective in the attributive position, and a gapped infinitival clause. Studying the way the adjective combines with the infinitival clause will suggest a new type of an infinitival clause -- a degree interval-denoting one. The analysis will have consequences for the nature of a positive morpheme.

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