scholarly journals LA UNIVERSIDAD EN UN HORIZONTE DE PERPLEJIDAD

2018 ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
Iván Carvajal

El debate en torno de lo que podría ser la «misión de la universidad» en el Ecuador requiere de una actitud (un êthos filosófico) semejante a la que propone Foucault en Qu’est-ce que les Lumières?, que coloca como tarea la comprensión de la actualidad. El ensayo retoma la crítica del pensamiento universitario ecuatoriano, especialmente de La universidad, sede de la razón de Hernán Malo González, a fin de señalar a la vez la importancia y continuidad de la defensa de la racionalidad, la autonomía y la apelación al diálogo, y su insuficiencia para comprender la actualidad. Esta no puede ser comprendida desde una visión circunscrita al Estado nacional o desde la «ecuatorianización» de la universidad, sino a partir de una apertura a los problemas globales que afectan al conjunto de la humanidad, ante todo el ecocidio (y dentro  de este, la crisis del cambio climático), y la posibilidad cierta de extinción de lo humano o de su trasmutación (lo poshumano). A la vez, es necesario comprender la crisis política marcada por la declinación de los Estados nacionales y de la democracia (liberal-representativa o directa-plebiscitaria). La actualidad se presenta como un horizonte de perplejidad. Para comprender la actualidad es preciso apelar a un «êthos filosófico» que posibilite la apertura de unas nuevas Humanidades, que tendrían que abrirse paso en la universidad en permanente contradicción con la ideología tecnocrática dominante en ella y con los poderes (políticos, corporativos, religiosos...) que actúan sobre la universidad. La emergencia de unas nuevas Humanidades, que intentan configurarse en el presente, requiere a su vez de una universidad abierta. Palabras clave: universidad, pensamiento ecuatoriano, Humanidades, ecocidio, actualidad.    ABSTRACT The debate about what the “mission of the university” in Ecuador could be, requires an attitude (a philosophical êthos) similar to the one proposed by Foucault in Qu’est-ce que les Lumières?; which places as a task the understanding of the present. This essay takes up the criticism of Ecuadorian university thought, especially of The University, core of Hernán Malo González’s reason, in order to point out both the importance and the continuity ofthe defense of reasonableness, autonomy; the call for dialogue, and its insufficiency to understand the present. This cannot be understood from a vision limited to the Nation-State or from the “Ecuadorianization” of the university, but from an openness to the global problems that affect the whole of humanity, above all ecocide (and within it, the crisis of climate change), and the real possibility of human being’s extinction or of their transmutation (the post-humanism). At the same time, it is necessary to underst tand the political crisis marked by the decline of the Nation-States and of democracy (liberal-representative or direct-plebiscitary). The present time is presented as a horizon of perplexity. To understand the present, it is necessary to invoke to a “philosophical êthos” that makes possible space for new Humanities, which would have to make their way into the university in permanent contradiction with the technocratic ideology that dominates in it, and with the powers (political, corporate, religious ...) that act on the university. The development of new Humanities, which are attempting to shape themselves in the present, requires an open university.   Key words: university, Ecuadorian thought, humanities, ecocide, present.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Barbara Klonowska

This article reviews the recent monograph by Maxim Shadurski, The Nationality of Utopia. H. G. Wells, England, and the World State (New York: Routledge, 2020) in the context of utopian studies on the one hand, and the political ideas of the nation state vs. world state on the other.


2021 ◽  

Carl Schmitt emphasised the crucial importance of the friend–enemy dichotomy for the political sphere. Is the connection between the concept of the enemy and politics still relevant today? Or does the political sphere need to be defined quite differently, on the one hand, and does the problem of enmity need to be dealt with beyond the political sphere, on the other? Since the publication of this book’s 1st edition, the issue of ‘enmity’ has by no means been settled, as recent terrorist attacks have shown. On the contrary, hatred of those who think differently seems to be on the increase, and they are then demonised as ‘enemies’. This development is explored in the contributions to the book’s 2nd edition. Rüdiger Voigt, professor emeritus of administrative science at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, is the author and editor of numerous books on state theory and state practice.


Author(s):  
Thomas P. Anderson

This chapter explores a concept of the nation-state defined in terms of leagues, friendships, and amity between England and France in King John. The play consistently describes the evolving relationship between nations in terms of friendship and hospitality. Constance’s desperate question, ‘France friend with England! What becomes of me?’ (2.2.35) after the rival nations become momentary allies, captures the challenge that national sovereignty poses to a subject’s liberty. In its depiction of this geo-political friendship, King John interrogates the powerful claims of an emerging bureaucratic network of authority exemplified by the Bastard’s relationship with what the play calls ‘borrowed majesty’ (1.1.4) and ‘perjured kings’ (3.1.33). In arguing that King John makes explicit the political condition of friendship in depicting rival nation-states, the chapter makes the case that the Bastard’s new sovereign relationship radically redefines a political subject as a bawd or broker in a bureaucratic network with radical, albeit unrealized, political potential. The Bastard—a bureaucrat with royal blood—is well aware that his fugitive survival and political efficacy are contingent on how he responds to the unintended contours of the sovereign decision, to its collateral effects that exceed ordered and absolute power, in other words, to that which allows him to act legitimately, with bureaucratic sovereignty, both inside and outside of the law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-167
Author(s):  
Jeremy F. Walton ◽  
Piro Rexhepi

Over recent decades, Islamic institutions and Muslim communities in the successor nation-states of former Yugoslavia have taken shape against a variegated political and historical topography. In this article, we examine the discourses and politics surrounding Islamic institutions in four post-Yugoslav nation-states: Kosovo, Macedonia, Croatia, and Slovenia. Our analysis moves in two directions. On the one hand, we illuminate the historical legacies and institutional ties that unite Muslims across these four contexts. As we argue, this institutional history continues to mandate a singular, hegemonic model of Sunni-Hanafi Islam that pre-emptively delegitimizes Muslim communities outside of its orbit. On the other hand, we also attend to the contrasting national politics of Islam in each of our four contexts, ranging from Islamophobic anxiety and suspicion to multiculturalism, from a minority politics of differentiation to hegemonic images of ethno-national religiosity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (03) ◽  
pp. 616-618
Author(s):  
Diego Mazzoccone ◽  
Mariano Mosquera ◽  
Silvana Espejo ◽  
Mariana Fancio ◽  
Gabriela Gonzalez ◽  
...  

It is very difficult to date the birth of political science in Argentina. Unlike other discipline of the social sciences, in Argentina the first distinction can be made between political thought on the one hand, and political science in another. The debate over political thought—as the reflection of different political questions—emerged in our country in the nineteenth century, especially during the process of constructing the Argentine nation-state. Conversely, political science is defined in a general way as the application of the scientific method to the studies on the power of the state (Fernández 2001).


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Sotiris

The electoral rise of Golden Dawn from obscurity to parliamentary representation has drawn attention to its particular neo-fascist discourse. In sharp contrast to the tendency of most far-right movements in Europe to present themselves as being part of the political mainstream, Golden Dawn has never disavowed its openly neo-Nazi references. Its political and ideological discourse combines extreme racism, nationalism and authoritarianism along with traditional conservative positions in favour of traditional family roles and values and the Greek Orthodox Church. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand to situate the ideology and discourse of Golden Dawn in a conjuncture of economic and social crisis, a crisis of the project of European Integration, and examine it as part of a broader authoritarian post-democratic and post-hegemonic transformation of the State in contemporary capitalism; on the other hand to criticize the position suggested recently that Golden Dawn was also the result of the supposedly “national-populist” discourse of the anti-austerity movement. On the contrary, we will insist on the opposition between the discourses and practices of Golden Dawn and the anti-austerity movement in Greece.


Modern Italy ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Pichler

SummaryThe question of economic integration is not new in Europe. Historically, the birth and construction of nation-states was important in stimulating interest in the systematic relationships between political and economic integration. In the case of the multinational structure of the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century, the result was an economic policy that, for political reasons, aimed to unite the material interests of a state that was completely heterogeneous in other respects. Lombardy was a case in point. Traditionally the region had been in the economic vanguard in central Europe. When it again became part of Austria in 1815 it also became subject to the imperial policy of political integration. As a result its economic priorities were partially reformulated. On the one hand, Austria had a protectionist system aimed at autarky which made incentives to industrial production a priority. Lombardy's purely mercantilist outlook, on the other hand, was based around the production of a few highly specialized goods, most notably silk, for export. Conflict between economic interests in Lombardy was the inevitable result. Nevertheless, the imperial government had to take account of the fact that it was impossible to restrict Lombardy's international trade relations exclusively to the Austrian market. And the problems that beset any effort to tie the Lombard economy into a denser network of relationships with the Austrian market were not due to the political formation of the Italian nation because Northern Italy, and Lombardy in particular, continued to occupy an anomalous position within the context of the Italian economy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 32-38
Author(s):  
Mario Mejía Huamán

ResumenEl antropólogo Paul Radin publicó en 1956 el libro Primitive man as philosopher, por la editorial Dover Publication Inc., Nueva York. Para el presente análisis tomaremos la edición de 1968, publicada por la Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires-Rivadavia 1571/1/73 Sociedad de Economía Mixta, impresa en Argentina. Paul Radin, después de haber realizado investigaciones decampo, tras largos años de investigación vivencial, sostuvo que el hombre primitivo ya se había comportado como filósofo; apreciación que fue muy elogiada por muchos antropólogos y algunos filósofos y recibida con cierta duda por otros filósofos. Como se anuncia por el título de la presente ponencia, nuestra apreciación discrepa con la del autor, toda vez que la filosofía no es un discurso mítico-religioso. Palabras clave: Filosofía, filosofía indígena, filosofía, primitiva, cosmovisión. AbstractIn 1956, the anthropologist Paul Radin published the book Primitive man as philosopher, by the publishing house Dover Publication Inc., New York. For this analysis, we will take the edition from 1968 published by the University Press of Buenos Aires - Rivadavia 1571/1/73 Mixed Economy Society. Printed in Argentina After having conducted field research and after long years of experiential research, Paul Radin claims that the primitive man had already behaved like a philosopher. This perception was highly praised by many anthropologists and some philosophers,as well as received with some doubt by other philosophers. Being already announced in the title of this paper, our assessment disagrees with the one from the author, since philosophy is not amythical-religious discourse.Keywords: Philosophy, indigenous philosophy, primitive, philosophy, worldview.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (118) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Messner

Globalization processes are emphatically changing the coordinate system of politics. The „epoch of the nation state“ is drawing to its end. Dirk Messner discusses four core elements involved in the change of the architecture of politics in the „era of globalism“: (1) the rapidly growing differentiation of the foreign relations of nation states as an indicator of the erosion of the classical bounds of domestic and foreign policy; (2) the trend toward the formation of a world society; (3) the growing density of transboundary networks and global problems that lead not only to an increase of international relations based on interdependency (a phenomenon long familiar to us) but to an erosion of the „internal sovereignty“ of nation states, which is turning the rules of international and global politics upside down; (4) the change of the form of political power under the conditions of globalization.


Author(s):  
José María Valenzuela ◽  
Isabel Studer

Mexico’s low-carbon technology perspectives show lack of coherence with the rising ambition in climate change commitments, for which Mexico is internationally praised. The comparison of two recent energy reforms, corresponding to two administrations, explains this lack of coherence by, on the one hand, the permanence of a strong climate institutional framework devised as a means to increase energy security and, on the other hand, the political commitment to reduce electricity tariffs through the access to low-priced gas in North America. The chapter underscores the political economy trade-offs between the need for a strong climate commitment that provides a stable long-term energy transition pathway and the political and economic short-term benefits derived from low electricity tariffs.


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