scholarly journals TO THE QUESTION ABOUT THE CHARACTER OF THE SOVIET MODERNIZATIONS

2020 ◽  
pp. 250-256
Author(s):  
Д. Архірейський

In the context of the theory of modernization created at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s by American scientists, which explained the essence of the historical transition from traditional to industrial society using the example of Western democracies, the nature of Soviet modernization as a separate phenomenon is considered. Classical modernization of the western type was called normative. The views of Soviet historians on the economic development of the Soviet Union and the main provisions of the theory of modernization are compared. While Soviet historiography, considered the beginning of the modernization of Stalin’s industrialization, was officially proud of the latter, the proponents of the theory of modernization, on the contrary, justified its shortcomings and the general negative impact on the further development of the USSR as a whole. It is explained how, during the further development of the theory, the category of non-normative modernization was singled out, to which, according to all the main indicators, economic transformations in the USSR were assigned. Such indicators include lack of democracy, free market, restriction of private property, planned economy, presence of numerous state monopolies, authoritarian model of government. The concept of «non-normative modernization», in the opinion of the author of the article, first, better and more objectively explains the essence of economic processes in the Soviet Union, and secondly, can serve as a marker in the analysis of the economic prospects of those modern states that actually inherited the Soviet model of the economy. The author concludes on the more objective nature of the theory of modernization in comparison with the concept of catching up with modern Russian historians.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-197
Author(s):  
Krystian Pachucki-Włosek

The article looks at the issue of civil disobedience in Uzbekistan. The aim of the article is to find an answer to the question of whether a civil society has emerged in Uzbekistan capable of influencing the ruling elite. The confirmation of this thesis was the history of the long-term struggle against the state monopoly on cotton trading, known as white gold. As the main source of the emergence of civil disobedience, the author adopted the economic issue, in particular the regulations that inhibit the possibility of the free sale of cotton, which is the main source of income for half of Uzbekistan's population. In the article, the author presents the actions of the first president of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, and his successor, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, regarding the approach to the cotton farming sector. The separation of thirty years of independence was aimed at rearranging the length of the process of forming civil disobedience in relation to the law limiting the free-market cotton trade. The article also discusses the influence of an external factor in the form of Kazakhstan's attitude, which made it possible to break the current legal order, as well as the importance of Swiss investments in Uzbek textiles. In the final conclusions, the author states that the process of creating a civil society and popularizing civil disobedience began in Uzbekistan. He confirms this by describing the behavior of both the authorities and society. It shows the negative impact of maintaining the cotton monoculture after the collapse of the Soviet Union on the financial condition of the society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Osmanov ◽  
Zara Farooq ◽  
Malcolm D Richardson ◽  
David W Denning

ABSTRACT Miramistin is a topical antiseptic with broad antimicrobial action, including activity against biofilms and a clinical profile showing good tolerability. Miramistin was developed within a framework of the Soviet Union Cold War Space Program. It is available for clinical use in several prior Soviet bloc countries, but barely known outside of these countries and there is almost no mention of miramistin in the English literature. However, considering emerging antimicrobial resistance, the significant potential of miramistin justifies its re-evaluation for use in other geographical areas and conditions. The review consists of two parts: (i) a review of the existing literature on miramistin in English, Russian and Ukrainian languages; (ii) a summary of most commonly used antiseptics as comparators of miramistin. The oral LD50 was 1200 mg/kg, 1000 mg/kg and 100 g/L in rats, mice and fish, respectively. Based on the results of the review, we suggest possible applications of miramistin and potential benefits over currently used agents. Miramistin offers a novel, low toxicity antiseptic with many potential clinical uses that need better study which could address some of the negative impact of antimicrobial, antiseptic and disinfectant resistance.


1998 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Burkett

AbstractRecent decades have seen a rethinking and renewal of Marxism on various levels, beginning in the 1950s and 1960s when New-Left movements in the developed capitalist countries combined with Maoist, Guevarist, and other Third-World liberation struggles to challenge the ossified theory and practice of Soviet-style communism and traditional social democracy. More recently, the rethinking of Marxism has been driven largely by the collapse of the Soviet Union and its official Marxist ideology, and by the movement toward neoliberal ‘free market’ policies on a global scale, which together have brought forth a tidal wave of frankly pro-capitalist as well as ‘postmodern’ left varieties of ‘end of history'-type thinking. The contemporary challenge to Marxism, however, also has a positive side in the form of popular revolts against the neoliberalisation of the global economy – the Chiapas rebellion in Mexico, the December 1995 public sector upheavals in France, and many others, not to mention the heroic struggle of the Cuban people against the threat of recolonisation by US and global capital. Here the challenge is to incorporate the changing forms of working-class movement, and their new prefigurations of post-capitalist society, into the theory and practice of Marxian communism.


Etyka ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 133-149
Author(s):  
Kazimierz Ochocki

Polish readers do not know well the vicissitudes of shaping a new morality and developing a Marxist ethics in the first years of existence of the Soviet Union. This paper is intended to fill up the gap. The author shows in what difficult conditions had Marxist philosophical research to develop in the Soviet Union of the 1920’s. In their struggle against the advocates of the old philosophical and religious tenets and combating their own weaknesses, failures and errors, Soviet Marxists laid the foundations for a further development of Marxist philosophical and ethical thought and for transforming it into the ideology of the whole society.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Davis

The Labour Party’s socialism changed dramatically in the 1980s. Neil Kinnock’s restructuring of Labour occurred at the same time as the international socialist movement moved away from the statist model of economics and turned, in varying degrees, to more market-orientated ideas. This chapter assesses the ways in which Labour’s political thought adapted both to New Right realities and to the fact that much of world was adopting free market economic ideas. The particular focus here is the development of Kinnock’s ideas in light of the changes in Soviet socialism after Mikhail Gorbachev introduced his reform programme. The Soviet Union had long influenced Labour’s ideology in both positive and negative ways, and this chapter shows how it continued to do so in 1980s. It examines the relationship between Kinnock’s Labour and Gorbachev’s USSR, and it shows how the changes introduced by both leaders began to lead to a convergence of ideas between Eastern and Western European versions of socialism.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah

In 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, in violation of the 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The invasion marked the beginning of what Russia would later call the Great Patriotic War during which the Soviet Union suffered tens of millions of civilian and military losses. Private property in the Soviet Union was earlier confiscated through Lenin and Stalin’s nationalization programs. Nazi-occupied territories of the Soviet Union suffered property confiscation by the German forces, with most of the confiscation taking place in the Soviet Republics of Belarussia and Ukraine and western Russia. Russia does not have any private or communal property restitution and/or compensation laws relating to Holocaust-era confiscations, or return of property confiscations dating back to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Russia also does not have any special legislation dealing with heirless property. Russia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009, but declined to endorse the 2010 Guidelines and Best Practices.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry D. Clark ◽  
Stacy J. Holscher ◽  
Lisa A. Hyland

In the 1992 elections to the national legislature, Lithuania became the first country in Eastern Europe to return its former communist party to power. Headed by Algirdas Brazauskas, the former First Secretary who had led the party in its split from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in December 1990, the party had rejected the Soviet past and renamed itself the Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP). Declaring itself a social-democratic party, the LDLP supported democracy and a free market “with a human face.” In the 1992 elections the LDLP campaigned as a party of experienced, competent administrators capable of managing the reforms in such a way as to lessen their social impact. As a result the party won a resounding victory in the elections of that year to the national legislature, winning 73 of the 141 seats in the Seimas.


2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (5) ◽  
pp. 224-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Boycko ◽  
Robert J. Shiller

We repeat a survey we did in the waning days of the Soviet Union (Shiller, Boycko and Korobov, AER 1991) comparing attitudes towards free markets between Moscow and New York. Additional survey questions, from Gibson Duch and Tedin (J. Politics 1992) are added to compare attitudes towards democracy. Two comparisons are made: between countries, and through time, to explore the existence of international differences in allegiance to democratic free-market institutions, and the stability of these differences.


REGIONOLOGY ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir V. Kozin ◽  
Sergey G. Ushkin

Introduction. Ethnosociological monitoring in a polyethnic region is conducted not only due to the need for an assessment of the public policy regulation in this field, but also due to the increase in the heuristic potential for preventing various kinds of social conflicts. The objective of the paper is to identify the dynamics of the development of interethnic relations in the Republic of Mordovia and the influence of various stratification processes on the development of ethnic relations, based on a comparative analysis of scientific studies. Materials and Methods. Regular sociological measurements carried out by the Research Institute of Regionology under Ogarev Mordovia State University and by the Scientific Center for Social and Economic Monitoring in 1990–2010 were used as the research materials. The interpretation of the results was carried out using the institutional, comparative and natural historical methods. Results. The main trends in the development of mass consciousness of the population of a polyethnic region in the context of various socio-political periods of the development of Russia have been revealed: from the ‘parade of sovereignties’ that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union to the reactualization of the ideology of a strong multiethnic Russian state. It has been emphasized that over the years, the main reasons exerting a negative impact on the nature of interethnic relations have mainly been not the interethnic conflicts, but the politically or economically marked factors (the economic crisis, inflation, appointment to managerial posts based on the ethnicity of a person, income inequality between representatives of different ethnic origins, etc.). Discussion and Conclusion. Although interethnic relations in the Republic of Mordovia has almost never achieved an increased level of conflict, the republic’s leadership was able to build an effective system for regulating them, which made it possible to minimize the degree of social and ethnic tension in society. The article may be useful to scientists and practitioners in the field of the development of interethnic relations and to all those interested in the issues of ethnosociology.


Author(s):  
M. S. Monakov

In the scientific literature on the Yalta conference of leaders of the three powers of the coalition there are no studies that reveal its naval aspects. Meanwhile, among the issues that had significance for the Soviet delegation, they held even if not the first priority, but were quite prominent. In the Russian historiography attention to these matters appeared only in the early 1990s, most likely because the Soviet side in negotiations had a negative impact on the formation of the post-war world order. Contemporary Russian historians are in line with the tradition, a feature of which was a lack of attention to the maritime policy of the Soviet Union, especially in the 1921 - 1955. It is clear, however, that projects of this scale, which required the mobilization of all resources of the Soviet state, creation of the most advanced shipbuilding and entirely new industries for the country and high-tech industries, could not arise in a vacuum. Behind this processes were certain political goals, and when the war began Stalin stopped work on the first "big shipbuilding program" though it did not mean that he refused them. This hypothesis is based and presented in this article.


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